The age at which full pension can normally be drawn varies considerably between countries. In Europe the normal age for men can be as high as 67 and as low as 60 and for women as high as 66 and as low as 55. Some developing countries have still lower pension ages. To some extent pension age tends to reflect the expectation of life in the particular country. The pension age for women, however, is often lower than for men; one reason often cited for this is that husbands tend to be older than their wives, and so the disparity in pension ages permits simultaneous retirement. The arrangement, however, is disadvantageous for women who are retired compulsorily at the lower age after having had less time to accumulate a record of contributions. There is, therefore, a trend to equalize pension ages between the sexes. To do this by lowering the male pension age is expensive; it is for this reason that the European Union has not made this binding on member states in its directive on equal rights to social security.
Some countries have long had provisions allowing the pension to be drawn a few years earlier than the stipulated age of retirement with an actuarially calculated reduction in the pension paid. Such provisions are suited to the more generous earnings-related schemes in which a reduced pension would not normally cause poverty. Ill health is a common reason for early retirement, though many choose this option in order to enjoy retirement while still in good health. There commonly are also provisions by which people who wish to postpone their retirement and continue to contribute can draw a larger pension. In some cases these arrangements have been introduced in the hope of encouraging later retirement, thus modifying the deterioration of the ratio between the employed population and the retired population, which necessitates higher levels of contribution by those still working as the proportion of the pensioned population increases.
Despite the logic of raising the normal pension age in line with an improved expectation of life, changes in schemes of industrial countries in the 1960s tended to lower the age. This trend has continued as the level of unemployment has increased, despite the financial burden this places on the schemes, particularly in the long run. The political objectives of reducing the number of persons recorded as unemployed and creating jobs for younger people have taken priority. Thus a wide variety of complex provisions have been written into pension schemes defining the circumstances in which full pensions can be drawn a few years earlier than otherwise stipulated. This may be allowed to those with many years of insurance (e.g., 35), to those who have been unemployed for a substantial period (e.g., a year), to those who are disabled, to those with arduous or unhealthy occupations, and to those whose jobs are being released for younger persons. In some countries the pension is income-tested below the normal age. Contrary to this trend for earlier pensions, the United States has raised the future pension age in two steps from 65 to 67 in response to the long-run financial prospects for the pension scheme.
A development pioneered by Norway in 1972, and since followed by more and more countries, was to allow persons aged 67 to 69 to reduce their working hours and receive at the same time a partial pension. This enabled older people to make a gradual transition between work and retirement. The change was made when the pension age was lowered to 67. Sweden followed in 1976 with a provision for those aged 60 to 64. Partial pensions have also been introduced in Spain and, on a much more restricted basis, in the United Kingdom.
In most schemes in industrialized societies there is a limit on what the pensioner can earn without leading to a reduction in pension. Some schemes specifically require the pensioner to leave his or her job on receipt of the pension. These provisions add to the wider pressures leading to the steady fall in the proportion of persons in full-time work above the normal pension age. But the main reason for this trend is the increasing generosity of pensions, both public and private.
Early pension schemes made extra provision for a dependent wife, and more did so between World Wars I and II. This can mean that womenâs contributions are âwastedâ in the sense that the pensions they earn are less than they have a right to as a dependent wife. The greater frequency of divorce and cohabitation has meant that more women are wholly dependent on the pensions they earn in their own right. Moreover, some pension schemes make no provision for a dependent wife (e.g., in Germany, Austria, and Italy). The issue of womenâs rights to pensions is particularly important in the context of poverty, as women on average live longer than men.
A few countries allow housewives to contribute to pension schemes on a voluntary basis, but few women do so in practice. Others have adopted provisions for the dividing of pension credits between spouses. In the United Kingdom a man or woman can be credited with a full yearâs pension rights for each year up to a maximum of 20 during the whole of which he or she is caring for a dependent child or disabled relative. These rights are based on the individualâs previous record of contributions.
In the early schemes widows over pension age were entitled to a proportion of the pension of their husbands. More and more schemes have been amended to make similar provisions for widows and widowers. Usually survivors can choose between their own personal rights and a proportion of the rights of their deceased spouse, but in Sweden widows can receive both earnings-related benefits on top of one flat-rate pension. This right is available, up to a maximum, to a widower as well as to a widow in the United Kingdom.
