Whereas the word “covering” relates to payments foreseen or possible, the term hedging is used for operations related not to prospective payments but to existing assets. Thus, a non-British firm may need to have a sterling balance for an indefinite period ahead. It may think it desirable in this case to protect its position against the possibility of sterling being devalued in the near future by selling sterling forward at the existing quoted rate. If sterling is devalued before the forward contract matures, the operator will get a foreign currency—say the franc—at the old rate and can rebuy sterling at a cheaper rate. The profit that he makes recoups him for the loss in the franc value of his sterling due to the devaluation. If there is no devaluation he can renew his hedge at the date due, if sterling is still suspect, or he can terminate it without loss except for the actual cost, or service charge, of the hedging transaction.

An even more important use of hedging is to protect the international value of real assets such as securities, real estate, and industrial buildings and plants. If a non-British person conducts business and has assets in Britain, he may think it wise to protect the international value of these assets by selling a certain amount of sterling forward. A devaluation, if it occurs, will reduce the foreign exchange value of the sterling assets; but the profit that the owner makes from selling sterling forward and buying it back at a cheaper rate will be an offset to this loss.

The movements so far considered are of a precautionary nature. It is sometimes suggested, when there is a big movement of funds out of a currency, that those prompting it are actuated by some motive hostile to the suspect currency. This is usually quite wrong. Such large movements of funds are often referred to incorrectly as “speculative.” This gives a false impression of what is happening. Speculation can, and often does, occur when a currency becomes suspect; but the word speculative should be confined to movements of funds made not to protect positions but purely in the hope of gain. A person may believe that the euro is likely to be valued upward and decide to buy euros, not because he has any commitments denominated in euros but because he wants to resell them afterward at a profit. He will probably buy the euros forward. Such speculation plays only a minor role in the early movements of funds in anticipation of a change of parity. It may, however, mount up very strongly in the last stages when an upward or downward revaluation has become almost certain.

A big outward movement of funds may precipitate a change of parity, desirable or undesirable in itself, simply because there are not enough reserves to finance the withdrawals. Even if the country in trouble is assisted by international credits, in certain cases these may not be large enough to avert the need for devaluation. A great movement of funds from a particular country may occur because it is thought likely that it will have to devalue. There may also be a great movement into a country thought likely to value upward. The latter kind of movement will cause difficulties for other countries, since the funds must come from somewhere. This adverse effect may be concentrated on one other currency, as in the classic crisis centred on a possible upward valuation of the Deutsche Mark in November 1968, where the drain was mainly from the French franc; or it may be more widely diffused, as in the crisis of the mark in September 1969.

The International Monetary Fund system of pegged-but-adjustable exchange rates came under increasing pressures during the 1960s. The system suffered from three major, interrelated problems: inadequate adjustment, confidence, and liquidity. Changes actually made in exchange rates were inadequate to deal with the major disturbances occurring in international payments. Because the adjustment mechanisms in the system were inadequate, a number of countries ran large and persistent imbalances in their international payments. This led to a lack of confidence that existing par values could be maintained and to periodic speculative rushes into strong currencies and away from weak ones. Deficit countries were not in a position to meet large speculative attacks because of their limited quantities of liquid reserves.

Traditionally, there had been two major methods of international reserve creation: the mining of gold and the acquisition of reserves in the form of key currencies (mainly dollars). Gold mining did not keep up with the rapid increase in international trade; gold reserves became less and less adequate as a means for covering balance-of-payments deficits. The alternative method for acquiring reserves—the accumulation of U.S. dollars by central banks—had one major disadvantage. For countries such as the United Kingdom, West Germany, or Brazil to accumulate dollars, the United States had to run a balance-of-payments deficit. But when the United States ran large deficits, doubts arose regarding the ability of the United States to maintain the convertibility of the dollar into gold. In other words, there was a fundamental inconsistency in the design of the IMF system, which created something of a paradox: if the United States did run large deficits, the dollar would sooner or later be subject to a crisis of confidence; if it did not run large deficits, the rest of the world would be starved for dollar reserves.