The second significant difference between share holding and partnership is that shares in a company do not expose the holder to unlimited liability in the way that a partner (other than a limited one) is held liable for the debts of the firm. Under all systems of law, except those of Belgium and some U.S. states, all shares must have a nominal value expressed in money terms, such as $10, £1, €12,500, or €1, the latter two being the minimum permissible under German and French law, respectively. A company may issue shares for a price greater than this nominal value (the excess being known as a share premium), but it generally cannot issue them for less. Any part of that nominal value and the share premium that has not so far been paid is the measure of the shareholder’s maximum liability to contribute if the company becomes insolvent. If shares are issued without a nominal value (no par value shares), the subscription price is fixed by the directors and is the measure of the shareholder’s maximum liability to contribute. Usually the subscription price of shares is paid to the company fairly soon after they are issued. The period for payment of all the installments is rarely more than a year in common-law countries, and it is not uncommon for the whole subscription price to be payable when the shares are issued. The actual subscription price is influenced by market considerations, such as the company’s profit record and prospects, and by the market value of the company’s existing shares. Although directors have a duty to obtain the best subscription price possible, they can offer new shares to existing shareholders at favourable prices, and those shareholders can benefit either by subscribing for the new shares or by selling their subscription rights to other persons. Under European legislation, directors are bound to offer new shares to existing shareholders in the first place unless they explicitly forgo their preemptive rights. In most U.S. states (but not in the United Kingdom), such preemptive rights are implied if the new shares belong to the same class as existing shares, but the rights may be negated by the company’s constitution.

The third difference between share holding and partnerships is that a partner is automatically entitled to a share of the profits of the firm as soon as they are ascertained, but a shareholder is entitled to a dividend out of the company’s profits only when it has been declared. Under English law, dividends are usually declared at annual general meetings of shareholders, though the company’s constitution usually provides that the shareholders cannot declare higher dividends than the directors recommend. Under U.S. law, dividends are usually declared by the directors, and, if shareholders consider, in view of the company’s profits, that too small a dividend has been paid, they may apply to the court to direct payment of a reasonable dividend. German law similarly protects shareholders of public companies against niggardly dividends by giving the annual general meeting power to dispose as it wishes of at least half the profit shown by the company’s annual accounts before making transfers to reserve. For the same object, Swedish law empowers the holders of 10 percent of a company’s shares to require at least one-fifth of its accumulated profits and reserves to be distributed as a dividend, provided that the total distribution does not exceed one-half of the profits of its last financial year. Thus, most national law recognizes potential conflict of interest between directors and shareholders.

Companies may issue shares of different classes, the commonest classes being ordinary and preference, or, in American terminology, common and preferred shares. Preference shares are so called because they are entitled by the terms on which they are issued to payment of a dividend of a fixed amount (usually expressed as a percentage of their nominal value) before any dividend is paid to the ordinary shareholders. In the case of cumulative preference shares, any unpaid part of a year’s dividend is carried forward and added to the next year’s dividend and so on until the arrears of preference dividend are paid off. The accumulation of arrears of preference dividend depreciates the value of the ordinary shares, whose holders cannot be paid a dividend until the arrears of preference dividend have been paid. Consequently, it has been common in the United States (but not in the United Kingdom) for companies to issue noncumulative preference shares, giving their holders the right to a fixed preferential dividend each year if the company’s profits are sufficient to pay it but limiting the dividend to the amount of the profits of the year if they are insufficient to pay the preference dividend in full. Preference shares are not common in Europe, but under German and Italian law they have the distinction of being the only kind of shares that can be issued without voting rights in general meetings, all other shares carrying voting rights proportionate to their nominal value by law.

The limited-liability company, or corporation, is a relatively recent innovation. Only since the mid-19th century have incorporated businesses risen to ascendancy over other modes of ownership. Thus, any attempt to trace the forerunners of the modern corporation should be distinguished from a general history of business or a chronicle of associated activity. People have embarked on enterprises for profit and have joined together for collective purposes since the dawn of recorded history, but these early enterprises were forerunners of the contemporary corporation in terms of their functions and activities, not in terms of their mode of incorporation. When a group of Athenian or Phoenician merchants pooled their savings to build or charter a trading vessel, their organization was not a corporation but a partnership; ancient societies did not have laws of incorporation that delimited the scope and standards of business activity.

The corporate form itself developed in the early Middle Ages with the growth and codification of civil and canon law. Several centuries passed, however, before business ownership was subsumed under this arrangement. The first corporations were towns, universities, and ecclesiastical orders. These differed from partnerships in that the corporation existed independently of any particular membership. Unlike modern business corporations, they were not the “property” of their participants. The holdings of a monastery, for example, belonged to the order itself; no individual owned shares in its assets. The same was true of the medieval guilds, which dominated many trades and occupations. As corporate bodies, they were chartered by government, and their business practices were regulated by public statutes; each guild member, however, was an individual proprietor who ran his own establishment, and, while many guilds had substantial properties, these were the historic accruals of the associations themselves. By the 15th century, the courts of England had agreed on the principle of “limited liability”: Si quid universitati debetur, singulis non debetur, nec quod debet universitas, singuli debent (“If something is owed to the group, it is not owed to the individuals nor do the individuals owe what the group owes”). Originally applied to guilds and municipalities, this principle set limits on how much an alderman of the Liverpool Corporation, for example, might be called upon to pay if the city ran into debt or bankruptcy. Applied later to stockholders in business corporations, it served to encourage investment because the most an individual could lose in the event of the firm’s failure would be the actual amount originally paid for the shares.

Incorporation of business enterprises began in England during the Elizabethan era. This was a period when business owners were beginning to accumulate substantial surpluses, and overseas exploration and trade presented expanded investment opportunities. This was an age that gave overriding regulatory powers to the state, which sought to ensure that business activity was consonant with current mercantilist conceptions of national prosperity. Thus, the first joint-stock companies, while financed with private capital, were created by public charters setting down in detail the activities in which the enterprises might operate. In 1600 Queen Elizabeth I granted to a group of investors headed by the earl of Cumberland the right to be “one body corporate,” known as the Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East Indies. The East India Company was bestowed a trading monopoly in its territories and also was given authority to make and enforce laws in the areas it entered. The East India Company, the Royal African Company, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and similar incorporated firms were semipublic enterprises acting both as arms of the state and as vehicles for private profit. The same principle held with the colonial charters on the American continent. In 1606 the crown vested in a syndicate of “loving and well-disposed Subjects” the right to develop Virginia as a royal domain, including the power to coin money and to maintain a military force. The same was done in subsequent decades for the “Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England” and for William Penn’s “Free Society of Traders” in Pennsylvania.

Much of North America’s settlement was initially underwritten as a business venture. But, while British investors accepted the regulations inhering in their charters, American entrepreneurs came to regard such rules as repressive and unrealistic. The U.S. War of Independence can be interpreted as a movement against the tenets of this mercantile system, raising serious questions about a direct tie between business enterprise and public policy. One result of that war, therefore, was to establish the premise that a corporation need not show that its activities advance a specific public purpose. Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary of the treasury and an admirer of Adam Smith, took the view that businessmen should be encouraged to explore their own avenues of enterprise. “To cherish and stimulate the activity of the human mind, by multiplying the objects of enterprise, is not among the least considerable of the expedients by which the wealth of a nation may be promoted,” he wrote in 1791.

The growth of independent corporations did not occur overnight. For a long time, both in Europe and in the United States, the corporate form was regarded as a creature of government, providing a form of monopoly. In the United States the new state legislatures granted charters principally to public-service companies intending to build or operate docks, bridges, turnpikes, canals, and waterworks, as well as to banks and insurance companies. Of the 335 companies receiving charters prior to 1800, only 13 were firms engaging in commerce or manufacturing. By 1811, however, New York had adopted a general act of incorporation, setting the precedent that businesspeople had only to provide a summary description of their intentions for permission to launch an enterprise. By the 1840s and ’50s the rest of the states had followed suit. In Great Britain after 1825 the statutes were gradually liberalized so that the former privilege of incorporating joint-stock companies became the right of any group complying with certain minimum conditions, and the principle of limited liability was extended to them. A similar development occurred in France and parts of what is now Germany.

By the late 20th century, in terms of size, influence, and visibility, the corporation had become the dominant business form in industrial nations. While corporations may be large or small, ranging from firms having hundreds of thousands of employees to neighbourhood businesses of very modest proportions, public attention increasingly focused on the several hundred giant companies that play a preponderant economic role in the United States, Japan, South Korea, the nations of western Europe, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and several other countries. These firms not only occupy important positions in the economy but have great social, political, and cultural influence as well. Both at home and abroad they affect the operations of national and local governments, give shape to local communities, and influence the values of ordinary individuals. Therefore, while in fact and in law corporate businesses are private enterprises, their activities have consequences that are public in character and as pervasive as those of many governments.

Besides the partnership and the company or corporation, there are a number of other forms of business association, of which some are developments or adaptations of the partnership or company, some are based on contract between the members or on a trust created for their benefit, and others are statutory creations. The first of these classes includes the cooperative society; the building society, home loan association, and its German equivalent, the Bausparkasse; the trustee savings bank, or people’s or cooperative bank; the friendly society, or mutual insurance association; and the American mutual fund investment company. The essential features of these associations are that they provide for the small or medium investor. Although they originated as contractual associations, they are now governed in most countries by special legislation and not by the law applicable to companies or corporations.

The establishment and management of cooperatives is treated in most countries under laws distinct from those governing other business associations. The cooperative is a legal entity but typically is owned and controlled by those who use it or work in it, though there may be various degrees of participation and profit sharing. The essential point is that the directors and managers are accountable ultimately to the enterprise members, not to the outside owners of capital. This form is rooted in a strong sense of social purpose; it was devised in the 19th century as an idealistic alternative to the conventional capitalist business association. It has been particularly associated with credit, retailing, agricultural marketing, and crafts.

The second class comprises the English unit trust and the European fonds d’investissements or Investmentfonds, which fulfill the same functions as American mutual funds; the Massachusetts business trust (now little used but providing a means of limiting the liability of participants in a business activity like the limited partnership); the foundation (fondation, Stiftung), a European organization that has social or charitable objects and often carries on a business whose profits are devoted to those objects; and, finally, the cartel, or trade association, which regulates the business activities of its individual members and is itself extensively regulated by antitrust and antimonopoly legislation.

The third class of associations, those wholly created by statute, comprises corporations formed to carry on nationalized business undertakings (such as the Bank of England and the German Railway) or to coexist with other businesses in the same field (such as the Italian Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale) or to fulfill a particular governmental function (such as the Tennessee Valley Authority). Such statutory associations usually have no share capital, though they may raise loans from the public. They are regarded in European law as being creatures of public law, like departments and agencies of the government. In recent years, however, a hybrid between the state corporation and the privately owned corporation or company has appeared in the form of the mixed company or corporation (société mixte). In this kind of organization, part of the association’s share capital is held by the state or a state agency and part by private persons, this situation often resulting from a partial acquisition of the association’s shares by the state. In only France and Italy are there special rules governing such associations; in the United Kingdom and Germany they are subject to the ordinary rules of company law.