history of the Czech Republic

history of the Czech Republic, a survey of important events and people in the history of the Czech Republic (Czechia) from 1993 to the present. For earlier history of the area, including Bohemia and Moravia as well as Czechoslovakia, see Czechoslovak history.

The Czech Republic came into being on January 1, 1993, upon the dissolution of the Czechoslovak federation. At the time of the separation, the federation’s assets were divided at a ratio of two to one in favor of the Czechs; special agreements were made for a natural gas pipeline from Russia, the diplomatic service, and the armed forces. The citizens of the former federation also were divided on the basis of new nationality laws, and, immediately after partition, large numbers of Slovaks began applying for Czech citizenship.

Václav Havel, who had served as the first president of Czechoslovakia after the overthrow of the communists, was elected president of the republic in January 1993, and Václav Klaus became prime minister. Because there was as yet no Senate, the election was conducted only by the Chamber of Deputies, thus contravening the republic’s new constitution. Although the separation with Slovakia proceeded amicably—quickly dubbed the Velvet Divorce, in reference to the 1989 Velvet Revolution—customs posts were erected along the Czech-Slovak border, and signs of rising national tempers were briefly noted on both sides of the new frontier.

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Under a center-right coalition government—composed of the Civic Democratic Party, the Civic Democratic Alliance, and the Christian and Democratic Union–Czech People’s Party—the new Czech Republic pursued a fairly aggressive policy of political and economic reform, the cornerstone of which was a program of rapid privatization. On May 31–June 1, 1996, the Czech Republic held its first general election since the country had become a separate entity. The coalition government lost its parliamentary majority when the center-left Czech Social Democratic Party nearly quadrupled the number of seats it had previously held in the Chamber of Deputies. Nevertheless, the coalition headed by Klaus and Havel remained in power, with a pledge of support from the Social Democrats. However, major economic problems, serious rifts within the ruling coalition, and public dissatisfaction with Klaus’s leadership and economic policy forced the prime minister’s resignation in November 1997. Klaus’s Civic Democratic Party then split into two factions. Jan Ruml, a former interior minister, founded a new conservative party, the Freedom Union, to which almost half of the Civic Democrat deputies defected.

Klaus, however, remained a political force and shortly after his resignation was reelected party chairman of the Civic Democratic Party. At the June 1998 elections his party won more than one-fourth of the votes; the Social Democrats won nearly one-third. President Havel, who had been reelected by a slim margin to a second term in January, called upon Social Democrat chairman Miloš Zeman (as the leader of the party with the largest number of seats in the Chamber of Deputies) to form a government, which was not initially successful. Eventually Zeman was installed as prime minister, and Klaus was elected to the chairmanship of the Chamber of Deputies.

The country’s domestic troubles during the mid- to late 1990s were to some extent mitigated by its acceptance into NATO. However, by the end of the 1990s, public dissatisfaction with the political leadership was growing. In early 1999 a group of prominent political writers issued “Impuls 99,” a declaration calling for decisive social, moral, and political change that would ensure the country’s rapid accession to the European Union (EU), to which it had formally applied for membership in 1996. In November 1999 activists who had been leaders during the 1989 revolution circulated a more radical manifesto, “Thank You! Now Leave!,” demanding the resignations of the leaders of all the major political parties for jeopardizing the Czech Republic’s acceptance into the EU. Tens of thousands of citizens took to the streets of Prague and other cities to demonstrate against the government. Another cause for concern was the spread of racial violence against the Roma.

On the other hand, in the realm of foreign policy, the Czech Republic experienced considerable success during the 1990s. In January 1997 Germany and the Czech Republic signed a document of reconciliation in which Germany acknowledged regret for its treatment of Czechs during the Nazi era, and the Czech Republic expressed remorse for Czechoslovakia’s expulsion of some three million Germans from the Sudeten region following World War II. Relations between Slovakia and the Czech Republic, however, remained tense for most of the 1990s, with some improvement in the early 21st century.

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Klaus regained the political spotlight in 2003 when he became president at the conclusion of Havel’s decade-long tenure. Klaus, who was narrowly reelected by the Czech Parliament in February 2008, served alongside a series of prime ministers and cabinets beset by political infighting. Meanwhile, the Czech Republic had taken a historic step on May 1, 2004, when it became a member of the EU, and during the first half of 2009 the country assumed the rotating EU presidency. Some observers questioned the republic’s fitness to lead the EU when, in March 2009, the center-right Czech government collapsed after losing a parliamentary vote of confidence. A nonpartisan interim prime minister, Jan Fischer, took power in May.

In the same month, the Czech Senate voted in favor of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty (an agreement to reform certain EU institutions), which the lower house had already approved. Klaus, however, claimed that the treaty was not in the best interests of the Czech Republic and refused to sign it until November 2009, when the Czech Constitutional Court ruled that the treaty did not threaten the Czech constitution. Klaus then reluctantly endorsed the treaty, completing the country’s ratification process. The Czech Republic thus became the last of the 27 EU members to ratify the Lisbon Treaty.

Meanwhile, the country’s interim government remained in power for more than a year, until July 2010, when President Klaus appointed a fellow Civic Democrat, Petr Nečas, as prime minister. Nečas headed a new coalition government comprising the Civic Democratic Party and two other right-of-center parties. Although the Czech Social Democratic Party had garnered the most votes in the parliamentary elections held in late May, the three center-right parties together had won a majority. The coalition enacted a number of austerity measures in response to the financial crisis that had wracked the euro area, but corruption scandals and leadership struggles limited the government’s effectiveness.

The Nečas administration pursued reforms to the social welfare system and the tax code throughout 2011, but infighting and a Social Democratic majority in the Senate hobbled many of the coalition’s efforts. Those difficulties were overcome in February 2012 when the coalition and the Social Democrats united to pass an amendment to the Czech constitution that introduced direct presidential elections. The Czech president, previously elected by a joint session of Parliament, would henceforth be chosen by popular vote. Squabbling within the coalition turned to open revolt in April 2012 when Public Affairs (VV), one of the coalition’s junior partners, disintegrated, leaving Nečas without a formal majority. Nečas’s sinking public approval ratings made him eager to avoid a snap election, and he reforged his coalition with the Liberal Democrats (LIDEM), a party created by former VV members.

Although the new coalition left him at the head of a minority government, Nečas survived a vote of confidence with help from independent members of Parliament. In January 2013 the Czech Republic held its first direct presidential election. Nine candidates contested the first round, with the top two finishers—former Social Democratic prime minister Miloš Zeman and the current foreign minister, Karel Schwarzenberg—facing each other in a runoff two weeks later. With voter turnout of about 60 percent, Zeman, running at the head of the Citizens’ Rights Party (SPOZ), won a convincing victory to succeed Klaus as president.

Nečas, who once boasted the nickname “Mister Clean” for his anti-corruption stance, found himself at the center of a scandal that toppled the Czech government in June 2013. A string of nighttime raids by police resulted in the arrest of numerous people close to the Nečas administration. Nečas’s chief of staff was accused of bribery and the misuse of military intelligence for personal reasons, and the junior members of the ruling coalition announced that they would withdraw their support from the government. Nečas resigned, and the Civic Democrats spent the next week attempting to form a government that could survive a parliamentary vote of confidence. Zeman ultimately intervened and appointed former finance minister Jiří Rusnok to serve as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, pending the scheduling of early elections.

The results of those elections, held in October 2013, reflected a growing disillusionment with the Czech political establishment. The Social Democrats won the most votes, but, with just 20.5 percent of the total, they were far short of a majority. Action for Alienated Citizens (popularly known by its Czech acronym, ANO, which means “yes”), a protest party founded in 2011 by billionaire media mogul Andrej Babiš, finished a strong second with almost 19 percent, followed by the Communists with 15 percent. The scandal-plagued Civic Democrats were resoundingly turned out, and SPOZ failed to clear the 5 percent threshold required for representation in Parliament. The Social Democrats, who had expected a stronger showing, immediately fell to infighting, and party chairman Bohuslav Sobotka faced down a leadership challenge prior to the start of coalition talks.