- Also called:
- cultural area, culture province, or ethno-geographic area
- Key People:
- Clark Wissler
Culture area
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What is a culture area in anthropology?
In anthropology, geography, and other social sciences, a culture area refers to a geographic region where most societies share cultural traits. This concept, which emerged around the start of the 20th century, remains a widely used framework for describing and analyzing cultures.
Well-known culture areas include Scandinavia, the North American Plains, and Australia, each exhibiting unique cultural characteristics. The culture area approach involves viewing culture as meaningful organizations of traits, including language, art, social organization, religion, and technology.
While the culture area concept remains a valuable tool, social scientists recognize that globalization, urbanization, and ecological changes have altered the original culture areas.
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Why do anthropologists use the concept of culture areas?
Anthropologists employ the concept of a culture area to designate a specific geographic region where numerous societies share similar cultural traits. This approach, popularized by anthropologist Clark Wissler, facilitates the organization of cultural data, cross-cultural studies, and museum displays.
Culture areas correlate habitat with culture, such as the Caribou area of Canada and the Great Plains. Despite cultural shifts from globalization, the concept remains a valuable tool for social scientists.
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How are culture areas identified or defined?
A culture area, an anthropological concept, is identified as a geographic region where most societies share cultural traits. The concept emphasizes the relationship between culture and habitat, leading to a correlation between the environment and cultural practices.
These areas are characterized by specific cultural types, such as hunting and gathering techniques or specialized trade practices. The classification of religions can also be based on geography, grouping religions found in a single region, though this method has its limitations.
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What are some examples of culture areas around the world?
A culture area is a geographic region where certain cultural traits are shared among societies. These areas help organize and analyze cultures by identifying common characteristics.
Examples of culture areas around the world:
- North American Plains Home to the Plains Indians, this area is characterized by flat prairies and a nomadic lifestyle centered on buffalo hunting.
- Mesoamerica This region includes parts of Mexico and Central America and is known for advanced agriculture, complex societies, and a shared calendar system.
- Scandinavia The homeland of the Vikings, this region shares cultural traits related to its maritime history and Norse heritage.
- West-Central Africa This area includes savannas and forests, with many groups speaking Bantu languages.
- Australia Often considered a single culture area, despite its diversity, it is home to the Australian Aborigines.
- Europe With around 160 culturally distinct groups, primary groups have been associated by ethnographers into some 21 culture areas.
- East Asia Can be viewed as one of the big four among the generally urban, literate cultural areas of the world.
- Asia The cultural diversity of Asia is greater than that of any other continent, because it represents ethnic types and linguistic systems that have evolved over long periods of time in separated regional homelands with distinct physical environments.
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How do culture areas help us understand similarities and differences between societies?
Culture areas, contiguous geographic regions where societies share cultural traits, help us understand cultural similarities and differences. This concept, popularized by anthropologist Clark Wissler, acknowledges the correlation between a culture and its environment.
By categorizing cultures into areas like the North American Plains or Scandinavia, anthropologists can compare cultural patterns, such as hunting methods or social structures. Although globalization has changed these areas, the concept remains a valuable tool for organizing data and studying cultural connections.
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What are some limitations or criticisms of using culture areas in anthropology?
While the culture area concept is a common lens for social scientists, some recognize that the culture areas originally framed no longer exist per se. Criticisms arose due to the assumption that traditional cultures would assimilate into colonial cultures, which didn't occur as expected.
The age-area hypothesis, suggesting that the most widely distributed cultural elements are the oldest, faced heavy criticism for being overly simplistic and lost scholarly support.
Cultural anthropology faces challenges as traditional cultures disappear or transform under modern influences, leading some to view anthropological study as condescending. The field grapples with ethnocentrism in producing universal concepts and ensuring cross-cultural comparability.
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Culture area, in anthropology, geography, and other social sciences, a contiguous geographic area within which most societies share many traits in common. Delineated at the turn of the 20th century, it remains one of the most widely used frameworks for the description and analysis of cultures. Well-known examples of culture areas and their traditional residents are found on every continent except Antarctica and include Scandinavia, homeland of the Vikings; the North American Plains, home of the Plains Indians; and Africa’s Al-Sudd, the seasonal wetland that is home to the Nuer, Dinka, and other cattle pastoralists. Australia, home of the Australian Aborigines, is often treated as a single culture area despite its considerable cultural and geographic diversity.
Origins in taxonomy and typology
The ancestry of the culture area approach can be traced to the classification of living things proposed by Swedish botanist Carolus Linnaeus in Systema Naturae (1735) and further developed by French biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck and others. These taxonomists used the underlying morphology, or physical structures of organisms (such as flowers, shells, and bones), to illuminate the relatedness of groups of living things. To denote information about the relations their data suggested, they created a biological nomenclature that ultimately consisted of the categories kingdom, phylum, class, order, family, genus, and species.
Taxonomy’s success in organizing living things encouraged scholars in other fields to conceptualize their work through the tropes of biology. Just as a zoologist might study a relatively small group of birds (such as the many varieties of canaries) before moving to the family of which the group is a member (finches more generally), so a historian of the arts might evaluate a single artist’s paintings before moving to those of a period or region, and an anthropologist might focus on a group’s subsistence system before undertaking the analysis of its culture as a whole.
Cultural evolution
The Danish archaeologist Christian Jürgensen Thomsen, curator of the National Museum of Denmark (1816–65), was among the first to use the taxonomic approach in the social sciences. In a painstaking study of the bracteate, a type of ancient pendant found in northern Europe, he charted a variety of morphological categories, such as insignia and size. By combining the typologies thus created, he showed that these Nordic ornaments had developed from earlier Roman coins. Thomsen later used similar techniques with a much larger body of data and eventually developed the basic chronology for Old World antiquities: the Stone Age, Bronze Age, and Iron Age.
Ideas and expressive culture also proved susceptible to taxonomic analysis. The American ethnologist Lewis Henry Morgan gathered data from a large number of Native American tribes and created a typology based on their kinship terminology, which he presented in Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1871). Influenced by the evolutionary theses of Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer and by Thomsen’s three-age system, Morgan later proposed a universal sequence of cultural evolution in his book Ancient Society; or, Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery Through Barbarism to Civilization (1877). In this work he suggested that all cultures went through a clearly defined series of evolutionary stages: first savagery, which was characterized by a hunting and gathering economy; next barbarism, the stage at which agriculture appears; and finally civilization, represented by hierarchical societies such as those of ancient Greece, ancient Rome, and Victorian England.
As one might suspect from Morgan’s choice of terms, 19th-century social sciences were intrinsically linked to the colonial endeavours of the period. This was the case whether the colonial effort took place domestically, as in the United States and Canada, or abroad, as it did for the countries of Europe. Although the labeling of a group as “savage” or “barbarous” was to some extent intended to convey specific technical information, the use of such easily misinterpreted labels also made the era’s overtly racist colonial policies more palatable to the general public: it was considerably less morally taxing to “civilize the savages” than to “forcibly assimilate an indigenous people.”
One of the principal preoccupations of social scientists at this time was the recording of “vanishing” indigenous cultures. This was often undertaken as part of a frank pursuit of the knowledge needed to achieve social and political control over a region, whether in domestic or in overseas contexts. Thus, many early ethnographies and cultural geographies were written by civil servants, military personnel, or missionaries.



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