- Related Topics:
- Aristotelianism
- Stoicism
- Logic
- Megarian school
Ancient logic
-
What is ancient logic?
Ancient logic refers to the concepts, principles, and systems of logical argumentation that originated in ancient Greece. It is primarily associated with the philosophy of Aristotle (384ā322 bce) and was later developed and consolidated by Greek philosophers until approximately the mid-6th century ce.
Aristotle's claim as the founder of logic rests on his works, Categories, De interpretatione, and Prior Analytics, which discuss words, propositions, and syllogisms, respectively. These works, along with others, were grouped into the Organon, or "tool" of thought.
Another tradition of logic came from the Megarians and the Stoics. Chrysippus (c. 279ā206 bce) was the most important Stoic logician. Unlike the Aristotelians, the Stoics developed propositional logic, concentrating on inferences from hypothetical propositions as premises.
4 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles. -
Who were some of the first people to study logic in ancient times?
In ancient times, several figures contributed to the early study of logic. Parmenides was the first philosopher to use extended arguments for his views, though he didn't systematically study argumentation principles. Zeno of Elea employed reductio ad absurdum, suggesting an awareness of logical patterns.
Sophists like Gorgias, Hippias, Prodicus, and Protagoras cultivated argumentation techniques, with Protagoras distinguishing sentence types and Prodicus focusing on defining synonyms. Socrates and Plato advanced the field further, with Plato exploring the structure of statements.
Aristotle is recognized as the founder of logic through his works in the Organon, which established a system of rules and strategies for reasoning. Another tradition of logic came from the Megarians and the Stoics.
5 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles. -
Why was logic important to ancient philosophers?
Logic held significant importance for ancient philosophers as it provided a framework for constructing sound arguments and reasoning. Aristotle systematically formulated logic, emphasizing the use of syllogisms to arrive at valid inferences.
Figures such as Zeno of Elea employed reductio ad absurdum, establishing claims by demonstrating the absurdity of their opposites, while the Sophists like Protagoras and Prodicus contributed by distinguishing sentence types and defining synonyms.
Plato furthered linguistic analysis, distinguishing affirmations from negations and identifying necessary components of a statement. The Stoics focused on propositional logic, studying logical properties of complex propositions and inference schemata.
3 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles. -
How did Aristotle contribute to the study of ancient logic?
Aristotle significantly contributed to the study of ancient logic through his works in the Organon, a collection of treatises that include Categories, De interpretatione, Prior Analytics, Posterior Analytics, Topics, and Sophistical Refutations.
His Prior Analytics introduced syllogistic theory, a method of inference using propositions to arrive at conclusions, and he also invented a technical vocabulary and the use of schematic letters to identify argument patterns. Aristotle's logic focused on the relations between terms in valid inferences, and he is recognized as the first logician to use variables. His work laid the foundation for the systematic study of logic.
4 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles. -
What are syllogisms, and how were they used in ancient logic?
A syllogism is a valid deductive argument with two premises and a conclusion, using three terms, each appearing twice. Aristotle is credited as the founder of logic, and his work Prior Analytics introduced syllogistic theory around 350 BCE.
Aristotle explored different syllogism forms to identify reliable inferences. Components include universal and particular propositions, differing in quantity and quality. Sophists contributed to the focus on argumentation in Greek thought by insisting that moral claims be supported by reasons. Syllogisms were central to ancient logic, providing a framework for constructing arguments and identifying valid inferences.
5 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles. -
How did ancient logic influence later scientific and philosophical thinking?
Ancient logic, which originated in Greece, particularly with Aristotle, significantly shaped later scientific and philosophical thinking. Aristotle's systematic study of logic, outlined in his Organon, provided a toolkit for sciences, focusing on reasoning and logical consequence.
The Stoics and Megarians, while distinct from Aristotelian logic, contributed by exploring logical puzzles, defining modal notions, and debating conditional propositions. They emphasized propositional logic, influencing the development of truth-functional definitions and inference schemata. Renaissance thinkers like Petrus Ramus and Philipp Melanchthon either denounced or sought to reformulate Aristotelian logic, with some aiming to integrate it with rhetoric and dialectics.
4 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles.
Ancient logic, in the history of Western philosophy, the concepts, principles, and systems of logical argumentation that originated in ancient Greece, primarily in the philosophy of Aristotle (384ā322 bce), and were later developed, consolidated, and documented by mainly Greek philosophers and commentators until approximately the mid-6th century ce.
Precursors of ancient logic
There was a medieval tradition according to which the Greek philosopher Parmenides (5th century bce) invented logic while living on a rock in Egypt. The story is pure legend, but it does reflect the fact that Parmenides was the first philosopher to use an extended argument for his views rather than merely proposing a vision of reality. But using arguments is not the same as studying them, and Parmenides never systematically formulated or studied principles of argumentation in their own right. Indeed, there is no evidence that he was even aware of the implicit rules of inference used in presenting his doctrine.
Perhaps Parmenidesā use of argument was inspired by the practice of early Greek mathematics among the Pythagoreans. Thus, it is significant that Parmenides is reported to have had a Pythagorean teacher. But the history of Pythagoreanism in this early period is shrouded in mystery, and it is hard to separate fact from legend.
If Parmenides was not aware of general rules underlying his arguments, the same perhaps is not true for his disciple Zeno of Elea (5th century bce). Zeno was the author of many arguments, known collectively as āZenoās Paradoxes,ā purporting to infer impossible consequences from a non-Parmenidean view of things and so to refute such a view and indirectly to establish Parmenidesā monist position. The logical strategy of establishing a claim by showing that its opposite leads to absurd consequences is known as reductio ad absurdum. The fact that Zenoās arguments were all of this form suggests that he recognized and reflected on the general pattern.
Other authors too contributed to a growing Greek interest in inference and proof. Early rhetoricians and Sophistsāe.g., Gorgias, Hippias, Prodicus, and Protagoras (all 5th century bce)ācultivated the art of defending or attacking a thesis by means of argument. This concern for the techniques of argument on occasion merely led to verbal displays of debating skills, what Plato called āeristic.ā But it is also true that the Sophists were instrumental in bringing argumentation to the central position it came uniquely to hold in Greek thought. The Sophists were, for example, among the first people anywhere to demand that moral claims be justified by reasons.
Certain particular teachings of the Sophists and rhetoricians are significant for the early history of logic. For example, Protagoras is reported to have been the first to distinguish different kinds of sentences: questions, answers, prayers, and injunctions. Prodicus appears to have maintained that no two words can mean exactly the same thing. Accordingly, he devoted much attention to carefully distinguishing and defining the meanings of apparent synonyms, including many ethical terms.
Socrates (c. 470ā399 bce) is said to have attended Prodicusās lectures. Like Prodicus, he pursued the definitions of things, particularly in the realm of ethics and values. These investigations, conducted by means of debate and argument as portrayed in the writings of Plato (428/427ā348/347 bce), reinforced Greek interest in argumentation and emphasized the importance of care and rigour in the use of language.
Plato continued the work begun by the Sophists and by Socrates. In the Sophist, he distinguished affirmation from negation and made the important distinction between verbs and names (including both nouns and adjectives). He remarked that a complete statement (logos) cannot consist of either a name or a verb alone but requires at least one of each. This observation indicates that the analysis of language had developed to the point of investigating the internal structures of statements, in addition to the relations of statements as a whole to one another. This new development would be raised to a high art by Platoās pupil Aristotle (384ā322 bce).
There are passages in Platoās writings where he suggests that the practice of argument in the form of dialogue (Platonic ādialecticā) has a larger significance beyond its occasional use to investigate a particular problem. The suggestion is that dialectic is a science in its own right, or perhaps a general method for arriving at scientific conclusions in other fields. These seminal but inconclusive remarks indicate a new level of generality in Greek speculation about reasoning.
Aristotle
Only fragments of the work of these thinkers are relevant to what is now considered logic. The systematic study of logic seems to have been undertaken first by Aristotle. Although Plato used dialectic as both a method of reasoning and a means of philosophical training, Aristotle established a system of rules and strategies for such reasoning. At the end of his Sophistic Refutations, he acknowledges the novelty of his enterprise. In most cases, he says, discoveries rely on previous labours by others. But then he adds:
Of the present inquiry, on the other hand, it was not the case that part of the work had been thoroughly done before, while part had not. Nothing existed at allā¦.[O]n the subject of deduction we had absolutely nothing else of an earlier date to mention, but were kept at work for a long time in experimental researches.
(From The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation, ed. Jonathan Barnes, 1984, by permission of Oxford University Press.)
Aristotleās logical writings comprise six works, known collectively as the Organon (āToolā). The significance of the name is that logic, for Aristotle, was not one of the theoretical sciences. These were physics, mathematics, and metaphysics. Instead, logic was a tool used by all the sciences. (To say that logic is not a science in this sense is in no way to deny it is a rigorous discipline. The notion of a science was a very special one for Aristotle, most fully developed in his Posterior Analytics.)
Aristotleās logical works, in their traditional but not chronological order, are:
- Categories, which discusses Aristotleās 10 basic kinds of entities: substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, state, action, and passion. Although the Categories is always included in the Organon, it has little to do with logic in the modern sense.
- De interpretatione (On Interpretation), which includes a statement of Aristotleās semantics, along with a study of the structure of certain basic kinds of propositions and their interrelations.
- Prior Analytics (two books), containing the theory of syllogistic (described below).
- Posterior Analytics (two books), presenting Aristotleās theory of āscientific demonstrationā in his special sense. This is Aristotleās account of the philosophy of science or scientific methodology.
- Topics (eight books), an early work, which contains a study of nondemonstrative reasoning. It is a miscellany of how to conduct a good argument.
- Sophistic Refutations, a discussion of various kinds of fallacies. It was originally intended as a ninth book of the Topics.
The last two of these works present Aristotleās theory of interrogative techniques as a universal method of knowledge seeking. The practice of such techniques in Aristotleās day was actually competitive, and Aristotle was especially interested in strategies that could be used to āwinā such āgames.ā Naturally, the ability to predict the āanswerā that a certain line of questioning would yield represented an important advantage in such competitions. Aristotle noticed that the answer is completely predictable in cases where it is (in modern terminology) a logical consequence of earlier answers. Thus, he was led from the study of interrogative techniques to the study of the subject matter of logic in the narrow senseāthat is, of relations of logical consequence. These relations are the subject matter of the four other books of the Organon. Aristotle nevertheless continued to conceive of logical reasoning as being conducted within an interrogative framework.
This background helps to explain why for Aristotle logical inferences are psychologically necessary. According to him, when the premises of an inference are such as to āform a single opinion,ā āthe soul mustā¦affirm the conclusion.ā The mind of the reasoner, in other words, cannot help but adopt the conclusion of the argument. This conception sharply distinguishes Aristotleās logic from modern logic, in which rules of inference are thought of as permitting the reasoner to draw a certain conclusion but not as psychologically compelling him to do so.
Aristotleās logic was a term logic, in the following sense. Consider the schema: āIf every β is an α and every γ is a β, then every γ is an α.ā The āα,ā āβ,ā and āγā are variablesāi.e., placeholders. Any argument that fits this pattern is a valid syllogism and, in fact, a syllogism in the form known as Barbara (on this terminology, see below Syllogisms).
The variables here serve as placeholders for terms or names. Thus, replacing āαā by āsubstance,ā āβā by āanimal,ā and āγā by ādogā in the schema yields: āIf every animal is a substance and every dog is an animal, then every dog is a substance,ā a syllogism in Barbara. Aristotleās logic was a term logic in the sense that it focused on logical relations between such terms in valid inferences.
Aristotle was the first logician to use variables. This innovation was tremendously important, since without them it would have been impossible for him to reach the level of generality and abstraction that he did.
Categorical forms
Most of Aristotleās logic was concerned with certain kinds of propositions that can be analyzed as consisting of (1) usually a quantifier (āevery,ā āsome,ā or the universal negative quantifier ānoā), (2) a subject, (3) a copula, (4) perhaps a negation (ānotā), (5) a predicate. Propositions analyzable in this way were later called categorical propositions and fall into one or another of the following forms:
- Universal affirmative: āEvery β is an α.ā
- Universal negative: āEvery β is not an α,ā or equivalently āNo β is an α.ā
- Particular affirmative: āSome β is an α.ā
- Particular negative: āSome β is not an α.ā
- Indefinite affirmative: āβ is an α.ā
- Indefinite negative: āβ is not an α.ā
- Singular affirmative: āx is an α,ā where āxā refers to only one individual (e.g., āSocrates is an animalā).
- Singular negative: āx is not an α,ā with āxā as before.
Sometimes, and very often in the Prior Analytics, Aristotle adopted alternative but equivalent formulations. Instead of saying, for example, āEvery β is an α,ā he would say, āα belongs to every βā or āα is predicated of every β.ā
In syllogistic, singular propositions (affirmative or negative) were generally ignored, and indefinite affirmatives and negatives were treated as equivalent to the corresponding particular affirmatives and negatives. In the Middle Ages, propositions of types 1ā4 were said to be of forms A, E, I, and O, respectively. This notation will be used below.
In the De interpretatione Aristotle discussed ways in which affirmative and negative propositions with the same subjects and predicates can be opposed to one another. He observed that when two such propositions are related as forms A and E, they cannot be true together but can be false together. Such pairs Aristotle called contraries. When the two propositions are related as forms A and O or as forms E and I or as affirmative and negative singular propositions, then it must be that one is true and the other false. These Aristotle called contradictories. He had no special term for pairs related as forms I and O, although they were later called subcontraries. Subcontraries cannot be false together, although, as Aristotle remarked, they may be true together. The same holds for indefinite affirmatives and negatives, construed as equivalent to the corresponding particular forms. Note that if a universal proposition (affirmative or negative) is true, its contradictory is false, and so the subcontrary of that contradictory is true. Thus, propositions of form A imply the corresponding propositions of form I, and those of form E imply those of form O. These last relations were later called subalternation, and the particular propositions (affirmative or negative) were said to be subalternate to the corresponding universal propositions.
Near the beginning of the Prior Analytics, Aristotle formulated several rules later known collectively as the theory of conversion. To āconvertā a proposition in this sense is to interchange its subject and predicate. Aristotle observed that propositions of forms E and I can be validly converted in this way: if no β is an α, then so too no α is a β, and if some β is an α, then so too some α is a β. In later terminology, such propositions were said to be converted āsimplyā (simpliciter). But propositions of form A cannot be converted in this way; if every β is an α, it does not follow that every α is a β. It does follow, however, that some α is a β. Such propositions, which can be converted provided that not only are their subjects and predicates interchanged but also the universal quantifier is weakened to a particular quantifier āsome,ā were later said to be converted āaccidentallyā (per accidens). Propositions of form O cannot be converted at all; from the fact that some animal is not a dog, it does not follow that some dog is not an animal. Aristotle used these laws of conversion in later chapters of the Prior Analytics to reduce other syllogisms to syllogisms in the first figure, as described below.
Syllogisms
Aristotle defined a syllogism as ādiscourse in which, certain things being stated something other than what is stated follows of necessity from their being soā (from The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation, ed. by Jonathan Barnes, 1984, by permission of Oxford University Press). But in practice he confined the term to arguments containing two premises and a conclusion, each of which is a categorical proposition. The subject and predicate of the conclusion each occur in one of the premises, together with a third term (the middle) that is found in both premises but not in the conclusion. A syllogism thus argues that because α and γ are related in certain ways to β (the middle) in the premises, they are related in a certain way to one another in the conclusion.
The predicate of the conclusion is called the major term, and the premise in which it occurs is called the major premise. The subject of the conclusion is called the minor term and the premise in which it occurs is called the minor premise. This way of describing major and minor terms conforms to Aristotleās actual practice and was proposed as a definition by the 6th-century Greek commentator John Philoponus. But in one passage Aristotle put it differently: the minor term is said to be āincludedā in the middle and the middle āincludedā in the major term. This remark, which appears to have been intended to apply only to the first figure, has caused much confusion among some of Aristotleās commentators, who interpreted it as applying to all three figures.
Aristotle distinguished three different figures of syllogisms, according to how the middle is related to the other two terms in the premises. In one passage, he says that if one wants to prove α of γ syllogistically, one finds a middle β such that either α is predicated of β and β of γ (first figure), β is predicated of both α and γ (second figure), or else both α and γ are predicated of β (third figure). All syllogisms must fall into one or another of these figures.
But there is plainly a fourth possibility, that β is predicated of α and γ of β. Many later logicians recognized such syllogisms as belonging to a separate, fourth figure. Aristotle explicitly mentioned such syllogisms but did not group them under a separate figure; his failure to do so has prompted much speculation among commentators and historians. Other logicians included these syllogisms under the first figure. The earliest to do this was Theophrastus (see below Theophrastus of Eresus), who reinterpreted the first figure in so doing.
Four figures, each with three propositions in one of four forms (A, E, I, O), yield a total of 256 possible syllogistic patterns. Each pattern is called a mood. Only 24 moods are valid, 6 in each figure. Some valid moods may be derived from others by subalternation; that is, if premises validly yield a conclusion of form A, the same premises will yield the corresponding conclusion of form I. So too with forms E and O. Such derived moods were not discussed by Aristotle; they seem to have been first recognized by Ariston of Alexandria (c. 50 bce). In the Middle Ages they were called āsubalternateā moods. Disregarding them, there are 4 valid moods in each of the first two figures, 6 in the third figure, and 5 in the fourth. Aristotle recognized all 19 of them.
Following are the valid moods, including subalternate ones, under their medieval mnemonic names (subalternate moods are marked with an asterisk):
First figure: Barbara, Celarent, Darii, Ferio,
*Barbari, *Celaront.
Second figure: Cesare, Camestres, Festino, Baroco,
*Cesaro, *Camestrop.
Third figure: Darapti, Disamis, Datisi, Felapton,
Bocardo, Ferison.
Fourth figure: Bramantip, Camenes, Dimaris, Fesapo,
Fresison, *Camenop.
The sequence of vowels in each name indicates the sequence of categorical propositions in the mood in the order: major, minor, conclusion. Thus, for example, Celarent is a first-figure syllogism with an E-form major, A-form minor, and E-form conclusion.
If one assumes the nonsubalternate moods of the first figure, then, with two exceptions, all valid moods in the other figures can be proved by āreducingā them to one of those āaxiomaticā first-figure moods. This reduction shows that, if the premises of the reducible mood are true, then it follows, by rules of conversion and one of the axiomatic moods, that the conclusion is true. The procedure is encoded in the medieval names:
- The initial letter is the initial letter of the first-figure mood to which the given mood is reducible. Thus, Felapton is reducible to Ferio.
- When it is not the final letter, s after a vowel means āConvert the sentence simply,ā and p there means āConvert the sentence per accidens.ā
- When s or p is the final letter, the conclusion of the first-figure syllogism to which the mood is reduced must be converted simply or per accidens, respectively.
- The letter m means āChange the order of the premises.ā
- When it is not the first letter, c means that the syllogism cannot be directly reduced to the first figure but must be proved by reductio ad absurdum. (There are two such moods.)
- The letters b and d (except as initial letters) and l, n, t, and r serve only to facilitate pronunciation.
Thus, the premises of Felapton (third figure) are āNo β is an αā and āEvery β is a γ.ā Convert the minor premise per accidens to āSome γ is a β,ā as instructed by the āpā after the second vowel. This new proposition and the major premise of Felapton form the premises of a syllogism in Ferio (first figure), the conclusion of which is āSome γ is not an α,ā which is also the conclusion of Felapton. Hence, given Ferio and the rule of per accidens conversion, the premises of Felapton validly imply its conclusion. In this sense, Felapton has been āreducedā to Ferio.
The two exceptional cases, which must be proved indirectly by reductio ad absurdum, are Baroco and Bocardo. Both are reducible indirectly to Barbara in the first figure as follows: Assume the A-form premise (the major in Baroco, the minor in Bocardo). Assume the contradictory of the conclusion. These yield a syllogism in Barbara, the conclusion of which contradicts the O-form premise of the syllogism to be reduced. Thus, given Barbara as axiomatic, and given the premises of the reducible syllogism, the contradictory of its conclusion is false, so the original conclusion is true.
Reduction and indirect proof together suffice to prove all moods not in the first figure. This fact, which Aristotle himself showed, makes his syllogistic the first deductive system in the history of logic.
Aristotle sometimes used yet another method of showing the validity of a syllogistic mood. Known as ekthesis (sometimes translated as āexpositionā), it consists of choosing a particular object to represent a termāe.g., choosing one particular triangle to represent all triangles in geometric reasoning. The method of ekthesis is of great historical interest, in part because it amounts to the use of instantiation rules (rules that allow the introduction of an arbitrary individual having a certain property), which are the mainstay of modern logic. The same method was used under the same name also in Greek mathematics. Although Aristotle seems to have avoided the use of ekthesis as much as possible in his syllogistic theory, he did not manage to eliminate it completely. The likely reason for his aversion is that the method involved considering particulars and not merely general concepts. This was foreign to Aristotleās way of thinking, according to which particulars can be grasped by sense perception but not by pure thought.
While the medieval names of the moods contain a great deal of information, they provide no way by themselves to determine to which figure a mood belongs and so no way to reconstruct the actual form of the syllogism. Mnemonic verses were developed in the Middle Ages for this purpose.
Categorical propositions in which α is merely said to belong (or not) to some or every β are called assertoric categorical propositions; syllogisms composed solely of such categoricals are called assertoric syllogisms. Aristotle was also interested in categoricals in which α is said to belong (or not) necessarily or possibly to some or every β. Such categoricals are called modal categoricals, and syllogisms in which the component categoricals are modal are called modal syllogisms (they are sometimes called āmixedā if only one of the premises is modal).
Aristotle discussed two notions of the āpossibleā: (1) as what is not impossible (i.e., the opposite of which is not necessary) and (2) as what is neither necessary nor impossible (i.e., the contingent). In his modal syllogistic, the term āpossibleā (or ācontingentā) is always used in sense 2 in syllogistic premises, but it is sometimes used in sense 1 in syllogistic conclusions if a conclusion in sense 2 would be incorrect.
Aristotleās procedure in his modal syllogistic is to survey each valid mood of the assertoric syllogistic and then to test the several modal syllogisms that can be formed from an assertoric mood by changing one or more of its component categoricals into a modal categorical. The interpretation of this part of Aristotleās logic and the correctness of his arguments have been disputed since antiquity.
Aristotleās logic presupposes several principles that he did not explicitly formulate about logical relations between any propositions whatever, independent of the propositionsā internal analyses into categorical or any other form. For example, it presupposes that the principle āIf p then q; but p; therefore qā (where p and q are replaced by any propositions) is valid. Such patterns of inference belong to what is called the logic of propositions. Aristotleās logic is, by contrast, a logic of terms in the sense described above. A sustained study of the logic of propositions came only after Aristotle.
Aristotleās approach to logic differs from the modern one in various ways. Perhaps the most general difference is that Aristotle did not consider verbs for being, such as einai, as ambiguous between the senses of identity (āCoriscus is Socratesā), predication (āSocrates is mortalā), existence (āSocrates isā), and subsumption (āSocrates is a manā), which in modern logic are expressed by means of different symbols or symbol combinations. In the Metaphysics, Aristotle wrote:
One man and a man are the same thing and existent man and a man are the same thing, and the doubling of words in āone manā and āone existent manā does not give any new meaning (it is clear that they are not separated either in coming to be or in ceasing to be); and similarly with āone.ā
Aristotleās refusal to recognize distinct senses of being led him into difficulties. In some cases the trouble lay in the fact that the verbs of different senses behave differently. Thus, whereas being in the sense of identity is always transitive, being in the sense of predication sometimes is not. If A is identical to B and B is identical to C, it follows that A is identical to C. But if Socrates is human and humanity is numerous, it does not follow that Socrates is numerous. In order to cope with these problems, Aristotle was forced to conclude that on different occasions some senses of einai may be absent, depending on the context. In a syllogistic premise, the context includes the two terms occurring in it. Thus, whether āevery B is Aā has the force āevery B is an existent Aā (or, āevery B is an A and A existsā) depends on what A is and what can be known about it. Thus, existence was not a distinct predicate for Aristotle, though it could be part of the force of the predicate term.
In a chain of syllogisms, existential force, or the presumption of existence, flows ādownwardā from wider and more general terms to narrower ones. Hence, in any syllogistically organized science, it is necessary to assume the existence of only the widest term (the generic term) by which the field of the science is delineated. For all other terms of the science, existence can be proved syllogistically.
Aristotleās treatment of existence illustrates the sense in which his logic is a logic of terms. Even existential force is carried not by the quantifiers alone but also, in the context of a syllogistically organized science, by the predicate terms contained in the syllogistic premises.
Another distinctive feature of Aristotleās way of thinking about logical matters is that for him the typical sentences to which logical rules are supposed to apply are temporally indefinite. A sentence such as āSocrates is sitting,ā for example, involves an implicit reference to the moment of utterance (āSocrates is now sittingā), so the same sentence can be both true at one moment and false at another, depending on what Socrates happens to be doing at the time in question. This variability in truth or falsehood is not found in sentences that make explicit reference to an absolute chronology, as does āSocrates is sitting at 12 noon on June 1, 400 bce.ā
Aristotleās conception of logical sentences as temporally indefinite helps explain the intriguing discussion in chapter 9 of De interpretatione concerning whether true statements about the futureāe.g., āThere will be a sea battle tomorrowāāare necessarily true (because all events in the world are determined by a series of efficient causes). Aristotleās answer has been interpreted in many ways, but the simplest interpretation is to take him to be saying that, understood as a temporally indefinite statement about the future, āthere will be a sea battle tomorrow,ā even if true at a certain time of utterance, is not necessary, because at some other time of utterance it might have been false. However, understood as a temporally definite statementāe.g., as equivalent to āthere will be a sea battle on June 1, 400 bceāāit is necessarily true if it is true at all, because the battle, like all events in the history of the universe, was causally determined to occur at that particular time. As Aristotle expressed the point, āWhat is, necessarily is when it is; but that is not to say that what is, necessarily is without qualification [haplos].ā

" height="20" alt="HEW Logo">

