- Spanish:
- Partido Revolucionario Institucional
- Date:
- 1929 - present
Institutional Revolutionary Party
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What is the Institutional Revolutionary Party in Mexico?
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) is a Mexican political party founded in 1929 that held power in the country's political institutions until the end of the 20th century. Virtually all important figures in Mexican national and local politics belonged to the party, because the nomination of its candidate to a public office was almost always tantamount to election.
The PRI was founded by Plutarco Elías Calles and his followers following conflicts with the Roman Catholic Church, military rebellion, and disputes with the United States. The party shifted power from political-military chieftains to state party units and to those sectors of the party representing peasants, urban laborers, and the military.
The PRI lost the presidential election in 2000, ending their 71-year rule, but regained the presidency in 2012 with the election of Enrique Peña Nieto.
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When was the Institutional Revolutionary Party founded?
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) was founded in 1929 by former president Plutarco Elías Calles and his followers. It was initially called the National Revolutionary Party, then renamed the Mexican Revolutionary Party in 1938, before adopting its current name in 1946. The PRI dominated Mexican politics from its founding until the end of the 20th century. Virtually all important figures in Mexican national and local politics belonged to the party, because the nomination of its candidate to a public office was almost always tantamount to election.
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What role did the Institutional Revolutionary Party play in Mexican politics?
From its founding in 1929 to the end of the 20th century, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated Mexican politics. Virtually all important figures in Mexican national and local politics belonged to the party, because the nomination of its candidate to a public office was almost always tantamount to election.
The PRI shifted power from political-military chieftains to state party units and to those sectors of the party representing peasants, urban labourers, and the military. The PRI established a large patronage system that doled out benefits to various groups in return for political support. When necessary, the PRI used repression and, according to its critics, electoral fraud to solidify its position.
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How did the Institutional Revolutionary Party stay in power for so many years?
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) maintained power in Mexico for much of the 20th century through a mix of strategies. Founded in 1929 by President Plutarco Elías Calles, the PRI emerged from the power vacuum of the Mexican Revolution, uniting regional leaders and labor groups.
To maintain its control, the PRI utilized a patronage system, distributing benefits in exchange for political support from various groups, including peasants and urban laborers. The party also nationalized the oil industry and introduced land reform, further boosting its popularity. While it enjoyed considerable support, the PRI also faced accusations of repression and electoral fraud to solidify its position.
Despite reforms and challenges from opposition parties in the late 20th century, the PRI held on to power until 2000, when Vicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN) won the presidency. The PRI briefly regained the presidency in 2012 with Enrique Peña Nieto, but its influence has since declined.
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What are some key achievements or controversies related to the Institutional Revolutionary Party?
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) held power in Mexico from 1929 to 2000. Founded by Plutarco Elías Calles, it aimed to consolidate power following the Mexican Revolution.
Key achievements include economic integration through infrastructure projects, nationalization of the oil industry, and land reform. The PRI also incorporated diverse groups into the party structure and granted suffrage to women.
Controversies include allegations of electoral fraud, repression of student protests, and a "dirty war" against political dissidents. The PRI's dominance faced challenges in the late 20th century, marked by economic strain and political violence, leading to its eventual loss of the presidency in 2000.
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How has the Institutional Revolutionary Party changed in recent years?
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) held power in Mexico from 1929 to 2000. In the late 1970s, the PRI's political monopoly faced serious challenges as opposition parties gained seats in the Chamber of Deputies.
In 1988, the PRI's presidential candidate, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, won by a narrow margin, leading to allegations of fraud and calls for intraparty democracy. Salinas introduced economic reforms, including liberalizing the economy and privatizing state firms. Electoral reforms were enacted in 1994, but that year was also marked by the assassination of the PRI presidential candidate.
In 2000, the PRI lost the presidency to Vicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN), ending its 71-year rule. However, the party regained the presidency in 2012 with Enrique Peña Nieto, but its representation in Congress plummeted in the 2018 election.
2 Britannica SourcesCreated from Britannica articles using AI. AI can make mistakes, so verify using Britannica articles.
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexican political party that dominated the country’s political institutions from its founding in 1929 until the end of the 20th century. Virtually all important figures in Mexican national and local politics belonged to the party, because the nomination of its candidate to a public office was almost always tantamount to election. Originally called the National Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Nacional), the party was renamed the Mexican Revolutionary Party (Partido de la Revolución Mexicana) in 1938 and took its current name, Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional; PRI), in 1946.
The PRI was founded by former president Plutarco Elías Calles and his followers in a period of conflict with the Roman Catholic Church, rebellion in the military, and disputes with the United States. In effect, the party represented the institutionalization of the new power structure that had emerged as a result of the Mexican Revolution (1910–20), a coalition of regional and local political-military bosses and labour and peasant leaders. This governing coalition sought a more conservative evolution (though often under “revolutionary” guises) and more stability in government. In the new party-state system that emerged, party control came to be concentrated in the Central Executive Committee, whose chief was selected by the president of Mexico and entrusted with the task of approving party nominees for all important elective positions in Mexico except for the presidency. The incumbent president, who under the Mexican constitution could serve only one term, selected his own successor. The Central Executive Committee became responsible for enforcing a common understanding among state and national officials and among the various groups within the party.
The PRI’s establishment shifted power from political-military chieftains to state party units and to those sectors of the party representing peasants, urban labourers, and the military. President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40) enhanced the authority of the peasant wing of the party and balanced the existing party sectors with a so-called popular sector representing such disparate groups as civil servants, the professions, small businessmen, small farmers, artisans, youth, and women. The Cárdenas-led PRI government also granted asylum to Soviet revolutionary Leon Trotsky. In the early 1940s the party’s military wing was disbanded, and its members were encouraged to join the popular sector, which became the largest in the party. Under Cárdenas’s party reforms, the PRI established a large patronage system that doled out benefits to various groups in return for political support. Cárdenas also attracted support for the party by introducing land reform and nationalizing the oil industry (1930). Although the PRI could count on the enthusiastic support of large segments of the population, when necessary it used repression and, according to its critics, electoral fraud to solidify its position. For example, it violently suppressed student protests in the 1970s and was accused of rigging several elections in the 1980s and ’90s.
In the late 1970s the party’s political monopoly was seriously challenged when opposition parties gained a few seats in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of Mexico’s legislature. The PRI remained in the majority but continued to lose congressional seats in later elections. In 1988 opposition candidates won 4 of the 64 Senate seats—the first time in 59 years that the PRI conceded losing any Senate election; and in that year’s presidential election the victory of the PRI’s candidate, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, was by the narrowest margin ever and aroused allegations from all of the country’s opposition groups that the party had resorted to fraud to maintain the presidency. Consequently, Salinas introduced electoral reforms, dismissed by some opposition groups as too timid, and dissidents within the PRI began to campaign for greater intraparty democracy; in particular, some within the PRI wanted to radically alter the candidate-selection process to remove absolute power from a handful of party elites. In 1989 the PRI lost the gubernatorial election in Baja California Norte—its first gubernatorial loss ever. Several states elected non-PRI governors in the mid- and late 1990s, and in 1997 a non-PRI candidate captured the mayoralty of Mexico City.
In addition to electoral reforms, Salinas introduced far-reaching economic reforms that liberalized the economy and privatized some state firms (e.g., the Mexican banks), and he negotiated a free-trade pact with the United States and Canada. Salinas’s government also passed legislation that reformed the education and agriculture systems and granted legal recognition to the Roman Catholic church (which had been stripped of its status in 1917).
In 1994 Salinas’s hand-picked successor, Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta, was assassinated while campaigning, and the party subsequently chose as its presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo, a cabinet secretary who had helped balance Mexico’s budget and improve the country’s literacy rate during the 1990s. Although Zedillo won comfortably, his margin of victory was the narrowest ever for the PRI in a presidential election. Zedillo instituted several reforms designed to end political corruption and promote freer elections. In the midterm elections of Zedillo’s term, the PRI was unable to retain a majority in the House of Deputies for the first time.
In 1999 Zedillo broke from tradition by refusing to nominate a successor. Subsequently, the PRI held its first presidential primary, which critics decried as fraudulent. In 2000 Francisco Labastida, the PRI’s candidate, was defeated for the presidency by Vicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN). Zedillo left office later that year, ending the PRI’s 71-year period of continuous rule. However, the party retained control of numerous state and local governments and continued to be a major force in both chambers of the national legislature. In the country’s July 2009 midterm elections, the PRI made a comeback, winning the most seats in the House of Deputies. In 2012 the party regained the presidency with the election of Enrique Peña Nieto. In the 2018 national election, however, the PRI’s presidential candidate finished a distant third and the party’s representation in both houses of Congress plummeted.

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