In an opinion for a 5–4 majority written by Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr., the Supreme Court held that the contraceptive mandate violated the statutory rights under the RFRA of both the individual plaintiffs and the for-profit corporations they owned. The court first argued that for-profit corporations could be persons within the meaning of the RFRA, because the Dictionary Act (1871)—which provided definitions of common terms for purposes of statutory interpretation—stated that the word person may apply to corporations (among other entities) as well as individuals, and there was nothing in the text of the RFRA to indicate that Congress had intended the word to have any narrower meaning. Furthermore, various Supreme Court decisions since 1993 had taken for granted that religious nonprofit corporations and other institutions (such as churches) could be persons under the RFRA and the free-exercise clause, and HHS itself had conceded in a brief for the present case that the RFRA could apply to nonprofit corporations as “persons.” If person as used in the RFRA applied to individuals and nonprofit corporations, the court reasoned, it must also apply to for-profit corporations, because “no known understanding of the term ‘person’ includes some but not all corporations.”

Given that for-profit corporations are persons under the RFRA, the court continued, it remained to determine whether the contraceptive mandate constituted a substantial burden on the religious exercise of the three corporations and their owners and whether the government had demonstrated that the mandate was the least-restrictive means at its disposal to advance its interest (the court assumed without argument that the government’s interest was “compelling”). The court held that the mandate did amount to a substantial burden, because the corporations and their owners believed that providing insurance coverage of the four methods was inconsistent with their religious faith and because the penalty they would face for failure to provide the coverage was severe. In reaching that conclusion, the court was careful to point out that it was not entitled to determine whether the plaintiffs’ religious beliefs were “mistaken or insubstantial.” “Instead,” the court insisted (citing the Supreme Court’s earlier decision in Thomas v. Review Board of the Indiana Employment Security Division [1981]), “our ‘narrow function…in this context is to determine’ whether the line drawn” by the plaintiffs—between what was consistent with their religion and what was not—“reflects ‘an honest conviction’…and there is no dispute that it does.”

Finally, the court held that the government had failed to establish that the contraceptive mandate was the least-restrictive means available to advance its interest, because there were conceivable—and indeed already existing—alternatives that, unlike the mandate, would not substantially burden the plaintiffs’ religious exercise. For example, the government could

assume the cost of providing the four contraceptives at issue to any women who are unable to obtain them under their health-insurance policies due to their employers’ religious objections.

Or, if the government deemed it undesirable to create an entirely new federal program to pay for the contraceptives, it could instead implement the accommodation that it had already made available to nonprofit corporations and other institutions that objected to the contraceptive mandate on religious grounds. In those cases, HHS required that the religious organization self-certify that it opposed certain methods of contraception, whereupon the insurer would be obliged to pay the full cost of the contraceptive services. That accommodation, the court asserted,

does not impinge on the plaintiffs’ religious belief that providing insurance coverage for the contraceptives at issue here violates their religion, and it serves HHS’s stated interests equally well.

The court thus concluded that the contraceptive mandate was unlawful under the RFRA. (Having struck down the mandate on statutory grounds, the court deemed it unnecessary to consider whether the mandate was also unconstitutional under the free-exercise clause.)

The court took care to caution that its decision concerned only the lawfulness of the contraceptive mandate and should not be understood to imply that any insurance-coverage mandate (e.g., for transfusions or immunizations) “must necessarily fall if it conflicts with an employer’s religious beliefs.” The court also denied that its decision might enable an employer to cloak racial discrimination in hiring as a religious practice, because

the Government has a compelling interest in providing an equal opportunity to participate in the workforce without regard to race, and prohibitions on racial discrimination are precisely tailored to achieve that critical goal.

Alito’s opinion was joined by Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., and by Justices Anthony Kennedy, Antonin Scalia, and Clarence Thomas. Kennedy also filed a concurring opinion in which he reiterated the court’s view that its decision applied only to the contraceptive mandate and that the accommodation devised by HHS for religious nonprofits “does not impinge on the plaintiffs’ religious beliefs.”

Dissenting opinions

In her dissenting opinion, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg characterized the court’s decision as one of “startling breadth,” which

holds that commercial enterprises, including corporations, along with partnerships and sole proprietorships, can opt out of any law (saving only tax laws) they judge incompatible with their sincerely held religious beliefs.

Accusing the majority of ignoring the “disadvantages that religion-based opt-outs impose on others,” she asserted that “the exemption sought by Hobby Lobby and Conestoga would override significant interests of the corporations’ employees and covered dependents,” and it “would deny legions of women who do not hold their employers’ beliefs access to contraceptive coverage that the [PP]ACA would otherwise secure.”

The court’s decision, she contended, rested on a fundamental misreading of the scope and purpose of both the RFRA and its later amendment, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 (RLUIPA). Specifically, Congress’s intention in drafting the RFRA was merely to restore the compelling-interest “balancing test” that the Supreme Court had used until 1990 to determine whether generally applicable and religiously neutral laws that incidentally place a substantial burden on a person’s religious practices are inconsistent with the free-exercise clause. According to that test, such laws are unconstitutional unless they serve a compelling governmental interest. In Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith (1990), however, the court held that the balancing test must be abandoned because it “would create an extraordinary right to ignore generally applicable laws that are not supported by ‘compelling governmental interest’ on the basis of religious belief.” The RFRA, according to Ginsburg, simply restored the general applicability of the balancing test by codifying the constitutional rule that the Smith court had rejected. It did not also thereby expand the class of entities capable of raising religious-accommodation claims to include for-profit corporations, which had never been recognized as eligible for religious exemptions from generally applicable laws in any Supreme Court decision before (or since) Smith. Nor did the RLUIPA—which in Ginsburg’s view had merely clarified, not broadened, the RFRA’s use of the term exercise of religion—indicate any such intention by Congress, as the majority claimed. Furthermore, the fact that the RFRA included a least-restrictive-means standard could not be taken as proof that Congress wished to break from all pre-Smith jurisprudence. According to Ginsburg, the RFRA’s legislative history indicated that Congress had always understood the compelling-interest balancing test to encompass the least-restrictive-means standard as an implicit part. The RFRA merely made that aspect of the balancing test explicit.

Ginsburg warned in addition of the likely pernicious consequences of the majority’s holding that the RFRA applies to for-profit corporations. “Although the Court attempts to cabin its language to closely held corporations,” she wrote,

its logic extends to corporations of any size, public or private. [There is l]ittle doubt that RFRA claims will proliferate, for the Court’s expansive notion of corporate personhood—combined with its other errors in construing RFRA—invites for-profit entities to seek religion-based exemptions from regulations they deem offensive to their faith.

Her opinion was joined in full by Justice Sonia Sotomayor and in all but one part by Justices Stephen Breyer and Elena Kagan. Breyer and Kagan also filed a separate dissenting opinion in which they held that, because “the [individual] plaintiffs’ challenge to the contraceptive coverage requirement fails on the merits,” it was not necessary for the court to decide whether the RFRA applied to for-profit corporations or their owners.