Markets are essential to the free enterprise system; they grew and spread along with it. The propensity “to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another” (in Adam Smith’s words) was exalted into a principle of civilization by the doctrine of laissez-faire, which taught that the pursuit of self-interests by the individual would be to the benefit of society as a whole. In the Soviet Union and other Socialist countries, a different kind of economy existed and a different ideology was dominant. There were two interlocking systems in the economy of the Soviet Union: one for industry and one for agriculture; and the same pattern was followed, with variations, in the other Socialist countries. Industrially, all equipment and materials were owned by the state, and production was directed according to a central plan. In theory, payments to workers were thought of as their share of the total production of the economy; in practice, however, the system of wages was very much like that in capitalist industry except that rates as a rule were set by decree and the managers of enterprises had little scope for bargaining. Workers might move around looking for jobs, but there was no “labour market” in the capitalist sense. Materials and equipment were distributed among enterprises by the state planning offices. (Faulty planning gave rise to intermediaries who operated between enterprises, but this is not at all the same thing as the highly developed markets in materials, components, and equipment that exist under capitalism.)

Consumption goods, on the other hand, were distributed to Soviet households through a retail market. Though some Socialist idealists, regarding buying and selling as the essence of capitalism, have advocated that money should be abolished altogether, in a large community it has proved to be most convenient to provide incomes in the form of generalized purchasing power and to allow each to choose what he pleases from whatever goods are available. Classical economists usually assert that the advantage of the retail market system is that it runs itself without excessive regulation; consumers who go shopping are in charge of their own money and need account to no one for what they do with it. Retail markets in the Soviet economy differed from those in capitalist economies in that, while in both systems the buyer is in this sense a principal, the seller in the Soviet model was an agent. Retailers and manufacturers all served as agents of the same authority—the central plan. Rather than making it their business to woo and cajole the customer, sellers threw supplies into the shops in a somewhat arbitrary way and customers would search for what they wanted.

Soviet agriculture was organized on principles quite different from those operative for manufacturing. Collective farms, though managed in an authoritarian way, were like cooperatives in which members shared in the income of their farm in respect to the “work points” each could earn. The value of a work point was affected by the prices set for the products of the farm, and these were politically, rather than only economically, determined. In the Western industrial economies, there is also a political element involved in the setting of agricultural prices; generally the problem here is to prevent excess production from driving prices too low. For the Soviets, the problem was the opposite. There, agricultural output failed to expand rapidly enough to keep pace with the requirements of the growing industrial labour force, and prices were therefore kept down so that they would not be unfavourable to the industrial sector. At the same time, individual members of the collective farms were permitted to sell the produce of their household plots on a free market. In this specific market, the peasant was as much a principal as the buyer.

In China, cooperative farms established after 1949 were much more genuinely cooperatives than were those in the Soviet Union, and trade with the cities in China is organized through a kind of Socialist wholesaling. City authorities place contracts with neighbouring farms, specifying prices, varieties, quantities, and delivery dates, and then direct the supplies to retail outlets, which are part of the Socialist economy. A similar system controls trade in manufactured consumer goods. Through the retail shops, the authorities monitor demand and guide supply as far as possible to meet it by the contracts that they place with the Socialist manufacturers. By adapting the wholesale trade to its own requirements, the Chinese economy seems to have avoided some of the difficulties that the Soviets encountered.

An example of socialism without a formal market was seen in the early days of the cooperative settlements known as kibbutzim in Israel, where cultivators shared the proceeds of their work without any distinction of individual incomes. (Because a kibbutz could trade with the surrounding market economy, its members were not confined to consuming only the produce of their own soil.) At the outset some of the kibbutzim carried the objection to private property so far that a man who gave a shirt to the laundry received back just some other shirt. But to dispense altogether with market relationships is apparently possible only in a small community in which all share a common ideal, and the austere standards of the original kibbutzim have softened somewhat with growing prosperity; but they still maintain a small-scale example of economic efficiency without commercial incentives.