Limitations on the scope of bargaining are also suggested by theory. Collective bargaining can be seen as the reduction of two risks to which the worker is exposed through individual bargaining. There is first the risk that the worker will be merely one of a number of applicants for a single vacancy and that competition between them will force the pay down. Even as the sole applicant for the vacancy, there remains the second risk that the job will be offered only on terms that are unacceptable; in the event of failure to agree, going without the job will inflict more hardship on the worker than not filling the vacancy will on the firm. Bargaining through a trade union removes the first risk by ensuring that whichever applicant the firm engages it must pay not less than the union rate: in this sense the union exercises monopoly power. Membership in a trade union reduces the second risk by increasing the workersâ relative power to change proffered terms by withholding consent: in this sense the union confers bargaining power.
Constraints of supply and demand
The scope of the monopoly power that the union exercises by maintaining the rate for the job may be seen by supposing that this rate is simply announced by the union, which leaves firms to hire as many or as few people as they choose at that rate. In deciding how high it can set the rate, the union must have regard for the consequences for employment. Firms may be able to alter the design of the product and the method of production so as to use less labour. To the extent that they cannot economize in the use of labour and that the pay of this labour enters into the total cost of production, a higher cost arises that firms may be obliged to pass on to their customers through higher product prices. The customers are then likely to buy less from them, especially if there is international competition in the markets for the product, and again employment will suffer. Thus a union that dictates its own terms is still subject to the constraint of the demand curve for the labour concerned. Equally, if the employers dictate the rate of pay, they could not set it so low as to make it impossible to attract and retain the required labour force: they would be subject to the constraint of the supply curve of the labour concerned.
The costs of work stoppages
Teachers on strike in Chicago, 2012.
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When neither side dictates the terms and an agreement must be negotiated, failure to agree results in a stoppage that causes losses to both parties. Attempts have been made to develop the pluses and minuses of these losses into a theory of bargaining. If, for example, it is assumed simply that the continuance of a stoppage progressively increases the wish of the parties to end it, and so causes firms to raise and the union to lower the rate at which each is prepared to settle, then the stoppage will end on the day when the two rates have been brought into equality. Further, if the parties agree in their forecasts of how the wish to settle will be affected by the continuance of the strike, they will find it in their interests to reach agreement on what would be the terms of the ultimate settlement without resorting to coercion by stoppage. A more elaborate theory has been developed in which each party is seen as weighing the cost to itself of a stoppage of given length, the benefit to it of a given concession by the other party, and its estimate of the effect of a given extension of the stoppage on the willingness of the other party to make a concession.
In practice much more is involvedâinternal political pressures, for instance, personal prestige, or the tactic of involving the government and public opinion. Many of the costs of a stoppage, moreover, are hard to express in terms of money. The above three variables must always figure prominently in the partiesâ consideration. A stoppage is unlikely when on a consideration of these variables it appears that there will be no net gain; this situation exists when bargaining power is evenly balanced or when negotiation has already brought the partiesâ positions close together. One party is likely to see a clear advantage in a stoppage only when market forces are working in its favour, and these will have told already in the course of negotiation. In particular the cost of a stoppage will be high to employers when they are busiest, whereas in a recession a stoppage may be a positive benefit to them. Insofar as bargaining power is thus conferred by market forces, it injects no distinct factor into the determination of rates of pay. Bargaining power may also be conferred by determination, loyalty, and leadership on either side. It has also been conferred on trade unions by the expectation, engendered among employers by the experience of sustained full employment, that rises in pay can be covered by higher prices so as to maintain profit margins without loss of business.
The productivity of a work force depends to a substantial extent upon the successful management of its payment system. Employees generally judge the âfairnessâ of their pay not by its absolute level but by its level relative to that of other employees, and in particular those with whom they are in close proximity. Their criteria for fairness are generally very conservative; the fair pay differential is the one to which they have become accustomed. A disturbed differential can be a source of discontent and lack of motivation. The technique usually used for managing the internal pay structure, as the relative pay of occupations within an organization is called, is job evaluation.
This term covers a range of procedures used to develop and maintain a consistent internal pay structure that is acceptable to the work force. Ranking methods use surveys of the work forceâs preconceptions of fairness to arrive at a comprehensive pay structure. Analytic methods score the requirements of different jobs according to distinct criteria such as physical effort, mental skills, responsibility, and working conditions and then use weighted averages of these scores to establish the final pay structure. Job evaluation is typically participative, methodical, and ponderous. It offers a means to legitimate a pay structure and a procedure whereby changes in that structure can be negotiated and implemented. As such, it is a defense against the effect of disturbed pay differentials on employee motivation.
