Cycles are compounded of many elements. Historical fluctuations in economic activity cannot be explained entirely in terms of combinations of cycles and subcycles; there is always some factor left over, some element that does not fit the pattern of other fluctuations. It is possible, for example, to analyze a particular fluctuation into three principal components: a long component or trend; a very short, seasonal component; and an intermediate component, or Juglar cycle. But these components cannot be found exactly recombined in another fluctuation because of a residual element in the original fluctuation that does not have a cyclical form. If the residual is small, it might be attributed to errors of calculation or of measurement. On a more sophisticated statistical level, a residual element can be treated as “random movement.” If the random element is always present, it becomes an essential element of the analysis to be dealt with in terms of probability.

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Wesley C. Mitchell

Courtesy of Columbia University, New York

For practical purposes, it would be useful to know the typical shape of a cycle and how to recognize its peak and trough. A great amount of work has been done in what may be called the morphology of cycles. In the United States, Arthur F. Burns and Wesley C. Mitchell based such studies on the assumption that at any specific time there are as many cycles as there are forms of economic activity or variables to be studied, and they tried to measure these in relation to a “reference cycle,” which they artificially constructed as a standard of comparison. The object in such studies was to describe the shape of each specific cycle, to analyze its phases, to measure its duration and velocity, and to measure the amplitude or size of the cycle.

In studying various cycles, it has been possible to construct “lead and lag indicators”—that is, statistical series with cyclical turning points consistently leading or lagging behind the turns in general business activity. Researchers using these methods have identified a number of series, each of which reaches its turning point 2 to 10 months before the turns in general business activity, as well as another group of series, each of which follows the turns in business by 2 to 7 months. Examples of leading series include published data for new business orders, labour productivity, consumer demand, residential building contracts, stock market indices, and changes in business inventory. These and other leading indicators are widely used in economic forecasting.

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John Maynard Keynes, detail of a watercolour by Gwen Raverat, c. 1908; in the National Portrait Gallery, London.

Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, London

Coincident with the Great Depression—one of the most severe economic downturns in modern times—the British economist John Maynard Keynes put forth a large body of economic theory that examined the relationship between investment and consumption. According to Keynes and other economists associated with his views, any new expenditure—e.g., on building a road or a factory—generates several times as much income as the expenditure itself. This is so because those who are paid to build the road or factory will spend more of what they receive; their expenditures will thus become income for others, who will in their turn spend most of what they receive. Every new act of investment will, thus, have a stimulating effect on aggregate income. This relationship is known as the investment multiplier. Of itself, it cannot produce cyclical movements in the economy; it merely provides a positive impulse in an upward direction.

To the relationship between investment and consumption must be added that between consumer demand and investment. An increase in demand for refrigerators, for example, may eventually require increased investment in the facilities for producing them. This relationship, known as the accelerator, implies that an increase in national income will stimulate investment. As with the multiplier, it cannot of itself explain cyclical movements; it merely accounts for a fundamental instability that Keynesians thought they had observed.

It can be shown, however, that the multiplier and accelerator in combination may produce very strong cyclical movements. Thus, when an increase in investment occurs, it raises income by some larger amount, depending on the value of the multiplier. That increase in income may in turn induce a further increase in investment. The new investment will stimulate a further multiplier process, producing additional income and investment. In theory, the interaction might continue until a point is reached at which such resources as labour and capital are being fully utilized. At that point—with no increase in employment and, therefore, no rise in consumer demand—the operation of the accelerator would cease. That halt in demand, plus the lack of new capital, would cause new investment to decline and workers to be laid off. The process thus would go into reverse. The fluctuations in national income could take various forms, depending on the characteristics of the economy and the way in which the population allocated its income between consumption and savings. Such spending habits, of course, affect both the levels of consumer demand and capital investment. This theoretical analysis does not explain actual economic fluctuations; it is merely an aid to understanding them.See also Keynesian economics.

The analysis can be made more realistic by taking into account three other factors. First, one may assume that although the economy has an inherent tendency to swing very widely, there are limits beyond which it cannot go. The upper limit of the swings would be the point at which full employment or full capacity is reached; the lower limit is more difficult to define, but it would be established when the forces that make for long-term economic growth begin to operate. Thus, the upswing of a cycle stops when it meets the upper limit; and the downswing stops at the lower limit, resulting in continuous cyclical movements with an overall upward trend—a pattern corresponding to the one found in history.

The occurrence of a time lag—the inevitable delay between every decision to invest and the outcome of that investment—provides a second reason for expecting cyclical fluctuations to occur in any economic process. This phenomenon is illustrated, for example, in the relation between the action of a thermostat and the temperature of a room. A fall in room temperature causes the thermostat to turn on the heater, but there is a lag in time until the room warms up sufficiently to cause the thermostat to turn the heat off, whereupon the temperature begins to fall again. The shape of the curve of the temperature cycle will depend on the responsiveness of the thermostat and on the time required to raise the temperature of the room. By making various adjustments, it is possible to minimize the cycle, but it can never be eliminated entirely.

In economic life, there are many such lags between the decision to invest and the completion of the project: between the farmer’s decision to raise hogs and the arrival of pork chops at the store, for example, or between prices at the time of a decision and prices at the time the transaction is completed.

Random shocks, or what economists call exogenous factors, constitute the third type of phenomena affecting business cycles. These are such external disturbances to the system as weather changes, unexpected discoveries, political changes, wars, and so on. It is possible for such external impulses to cause cyclical motions within the system, in much the same way that striking a rocking horse with a stick will cause the horse to rock back and forth. The length of the cycle will be determined by the internal relationships of the system, but its intensity is governed by the external impulse.