- Rabbinic Judaism (2ndâ18th century)
The Davidic monarchy
The essence of the Davidic innovation was the idea that, in addition to divine election through Samuel and public acclamation, David had received Godâs promise of an eternal dynasty; a conditional (perhaps earlier) and an unconditional (perhaps later) form of this promise exist in Psalms, chapter 132 and 2 Samuel, chapter 7, respectively. In its developed form, the promise was conceived of as a covenant with David, paralleling the covenant with Israel and instrumental in the latterâs fulfillmentâthe covenant being that God would channel his benefactions to Israel through the chosen dynasty of David. With this new status came the inviolability of the person of Godâs anointed (a characteristically Davidic idea) and a court rhetoricâadapted from pagan modelsâin which the king was styled âthe [firstborn] son of God.â An index of the kingâs sanctity was his occasional performance of priestly duties. Yet the kingâs mortality was never forgotten: he was never deified, and, although prayers and hymns might be said on his behalf, they were never addressed to him as a god.
News •
David captured the Jebusite stronghold of Jerusalem and made it the seat of a national monarchy (Saul had never moved the seat of his government from his birthplace, the Benjaminite town of Gibeah, about three miles north of Jerusalem). Then, fetching the ark from an obscure retreat, David installed it in his capital, asserting his royal prerogative (and obligation) to build a shrine for the national God and thus at the same time joining the symbols of the dynastic and the national covenants. This move of political genius linked the God of Israel, the chosen dynasty of David, and the chosen city of Jerusalem in a henceforth indissoluble union.
David planned to build a temple to house the ark, but the tenacious tradition of the arkâs portability in a tent shrine forced the postponement of the project to the reign of his son Solomon. As part of his extensive building program, Solomon erected the Temple on a Jebusite threshing floor, located on a hill north of Jerusalem, which David had purchased to mark the spot where a plague had been halted. The ground plan of the Templeâa porch with two freestanding pillars before it, a sanctuary, and an inner sanctumâfollowed Syrian and Phoenician sanctuary models. A bronze âseaâ resting on bulls and placed in the Temple court had a Babylonian analogue. The Temple of Jerusalem resembled Canaanite and other Middle Eastern religious structures but was also different from them: notably, in the inner sanctum of the Temple there was no image of God but only the ancient ark covered by the wings of large cherubim. YHWH, who was enthroned upon celestial cherubim, was thus symbolically present in the Temple.
Alongside a brief inaugural poem in 1 Kings 8:12â13, an extensive (and, in its present form, later) prayer expresses the distinctively biblical view of the Temple as a vehicle through which God provided for his peopleâs needs. Since no reference to sacrifice is made, not a trace appears of the standard pagan conception of temple as a vehicle through which humans provided for the gods.
The quality of the preserved narrative of the reign of David, which gives every indication of having come from the hand of a contemporary eyewitness, demonstrates that literature flourished under the aegis of the court. Attached to the royally sponsored Temple must have been a library and a school (in keeping with the universally attested practice of the ancient Middle East), among whose products would have been not only royal psalms but also liturgical pieces intended for the common people that eventually found their way into the book of Psalms.
The latest historical allusions in the Torah literature (the Pentateuch) are to the period of the united monarchyâe.g., the defeat and subjugation of the peoples of Amalek, Moab (see Moabite), and Edom by Saul and David, in Numbers 24:17â20. On the other hand, the polity reflected in the laws is tribal and decentralized, with no bureaucracy. Its economy is agricultural and pastoral; class distinctionsâapart from slave and freeâare lacking; and commerce and urban life are rudimentary. A pre-monarchic background is evident, with only rare explicit reflections of the later monarchyâe.g., in Deuteronomy 17:14â20. The groundwork of the Torah literature most likely crystallized under the united monarchy.
In this period the traditional wisdom cultivated among the learned in neighboring cultures came to be prized in Israel. Solomon is represented as the author of an extensive literature comparable to that of other sages in the region. His wisdom is expressly attributed to YHWH in the account of his night oracle at Gibeon (in which he asked not for power or riches but for wisdom), thus marking the adaptation to biblical thought of this common Middle Eastern genre. As set forth in Proverbs 2:5, âIt is YHWH who grants wisdom; knowledge and understanding are by his command.â Patronage of wisdom literature is ascribed to the later Judahite king, Hezekiah (8thâ7th century bce); the connection of wisdom with kings is also common in extra-biblical cultures.
Domination of all of Palestine entailed the absorption of âthe rest of the Amoritesââthe pre-Israelite population that lived chiefly in the valleys and on the coast. Their impact on Israelite religion is unknown, though some scholars contend that there was a âroyally sponsored syncretismâ aimed at fusing the two populations. Because popular religion incorporated pagan elements, it is likely that it did not meet the standards of the biblical writers; such elements may have increased as a result of intercourse with the newly absorbed Amorites. The court itself welcomed foreignersâPhilistines, Cretans, Hittites, and Ishmaelites are named, among othersâand made use of their service. Their effect on the court religion may be surmised from what is recorded concerning Solomonâs many diplomatic marriages: foreign princesses whom Solomon married brought with them the apparatus of their native cults. The king even had shrines to their gods built and maintained on the Mount of Olives. Yet such private cults, while indeed royally sponsored, did not make the religion of the people syncretistic.
Such compromise with the pagan world, entailed by the widening horizons of the monarchy, violated the sanctity of the holy land of YHWH and turned the king into an idolator in the eyes of zealots. Religious opposition, combined with grievances against the organization of forced labor for state projects, led to the secession of the northern tribes (headed by the Joseph tribes) after Solomonâs death.
The period of the divided kingdom
Jeroboam I (10th century bce), the first king of the north, now called Israel (the kingdom in the south was called Judah), appreciated the inextricable link of Jerusalem and its sanctuary with the Davidic claim to divine election to kingship over all of Israel (the whole people, north and south). He therefore founded rival sanctuaries at the ancient cult sites of Dan and Bethel and staffed them with non-Levite priests whose symbol of YHWHâs presence was a golden calfâa pedestal of divine images in ancient iconography and the equivalent of the cherubim of Jerusalemâs Temple. He also moved the autumn ingathering festival one month ahead so as to foreclose celebrating this most popular of all festivals simultaneously with Judah.
The Book of Kings (later divided into two books; see Kings, books of) remains the almost exclusive source for the evaluation of Jeroboamâs innovations and the subsequent official religion of the north down to the mid-8th century. However, this work has severe limitations as a source for religious history. It is dominated by a dogmatic historiography that regards the whole enterprise of the north as one long apostasy ending in a deserved disaster. The culmination of Kingsâ history with the exile of Judah shows that it came from the northern kingdom. Yet the evaluation of Judahâs official religion is subject to an equally dogmatic standard: namely, the royal adherence to the Deuteronomic rule of a single cult site. The author considered the Temple of Solomon to be the cult site chosen by God, according to Deuteronomy, chapter 12, the existence of which rendered all other sites illegitimate. Every king of Judah is judged according to whether or not he did away with all places of worship outside Jerusalem. The date of this criterion may be inferred from the indifference toward it of all persons prior to Hezekiahâe.g., the prophets Elijah and Elisha and Jehoiada, a priest of Jerusalem (all 9th century bce).
Another serious limitation is the restriction of Kingsâ purview: excepting the Elijah-Elisha stories, it recognizes only the royally sponsored cult and pays scant attention to popular religion. In the mid-8th century the writings of the classical prophets, starting with Amos, first appeared. These take in the people as a whole, in contrast to Kings; on the other hand, their interest in theodicy (the problem of reconciling the presumed goodness of God with the existence of evil in the world) and their polemical tendency to exaggerate and generalize what they deem evil must be taken into consideration before accepting their statements as history per se (see also evil, problem of).
For half a century after the northâs secession (c. 922 bce), the religious situation in Jerusalem was unchanged. The distaff side of the royal household perpetuated, and even augmented, the pagan cults. King Asa (reigned c. 908â867 bce) is credited with a general purge, including the destruction of an image made for the goddess Asherah by the queen mother, granddaughter of an Aramaean princess. He also purged the qedeshim (âconsecrated menââconventionally rendered as âsodomites,â or âmale sacred prostitutesâ).
Foreign cults entered the north with the marriage of King Ahab (reigned 874â853 bce) to the Tyrian princess Jezebel (died c. 843 bce). Jezebel was accompanied by a large entourage of sacred personnel to staff the temple of Baal and Asherah that Ahab built for her in Samaria, the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel. Although Ahabâs orthodoxy was in every other respect irreproachable, some members of his court may have worshipped the gods of the foreign princess. Jezebelâs persecution of the prophets of YHWHâconduct untypical of a polytheist except in self-defenseâwas probably prompted by the fierce opposition to non-YHWH cults in Israel. Elijahâs assertion that the whole country apostatized is a piece of hyperbole based on the view that whoever did not actively fight Jezebel was implicated in her polluted cult. Such must have been the view of the prophets, whose fallen were the first martyrs to die for the glory of God. The quality of their opposition may be gauged by Elijahâs summary execution of the foreign Baal cultists after they failed at the contest on Mt. Carmel (Elijah and the priests of Baal appealed respectively to YHWH and Baal to set a pile of wood ablaze to prove whose god was truly God). A three-year drought (attested also in Phoenician sources), declared by Elijah to be punishment for the sin of apostasy, did much to kindle the prophetsâ zeal.
To judge from the stories of Elisha, devotion to the cult of Baal existed in the capital city, Samaria, but was not felt in the countryside. The religious tone there was set by the popular prophets and their adherents (âthe sons of the prophetsâ). In popular consciousness these men were wonder-workersâhealing the sick and reviving the dead, foretelling the future, and helping to find lost objects. To the biblical narrator, they witnessed the working of God in Israel. Elijahâs rage at the Israelite king Ahaziahâs recourse to the pagan god Baalzebub, Elishaâs cure of the Syrian military leader Naamanâs leprosy, and anonymous prophetsâ directives and predictions in matters of peace and war all served to glorify God. Indeed, the equation of Israelâs prosperity with Godâs interest generated the first appearance of the issue of âtrueâ and âfalseâ prophecy. The fact that prophecy of success could turn out to be a snare is exemplified in a story of conflict between the prophet of doom Micaiah (9th century bce) and 400 unanimous prophets of victory who lured King Ahab to his death. The poignancy of the issue is highlighted by Micaiahâs acknowledgment that the 400 were also prophets of YHWHâbut inspired by him deliberately with a âlying spirit.â
