Britannica AI Icon

Mail-in voting

Should mail-in voting be widely available?

Mail-in voting “is when a voter completes their ballot at home and mails it in or drops it off at a designated drop site (in available states). Depending on the state, other terms such as absentee voting, advanced voting by mail, voting by mail-in ballot, or voting at home may be used to describe this process,” according to Rock the Vote. [1]

United States mail-in voting laws

Mail-voting procedures vary considerably across the United States. Each state, along with Washington, D.C., and the U.S. territories, establishes its own rules for voter registration, absentee voting, ballot distribution, and ballot counting. Mail-in voting laws fall into one of three categories:

  1. Universal mail-in voting: In eight states and D.C. every registered voter is automatically mailed a ballot and may vote by mail. In D.C. a voter needs to request an absentee ballot only if they plan to be away from the D.C. area during the election period. In Vermont ballots are only automatically mailed for general elections.
  2. No excuse required: In 29 states and the Northern Mariana Islands any registered voter may request a mail-in ballot without providing an excuse. [2]
  3. Excuse required: In 13 states and four territories (American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands) a registered voter may request a mail-in ballot only if they have an eligible excuse. The accepted reasons vary according to jurisdiction but frequently include disability, caretaking obligations, or employment duties. [3] [4] [5] [6] [7]

Congress has authority to regulate certain aspects of federal elections and has enacted laws governing issues such as voting by military personnel and citizens living overseas. U.S. federal law—specifically the 1986 Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act—requires that all U.S. jurisdictions allow absentee voting for members of the United States Uniformed Services (which includes the Army, Marine Corps, Navy, Air Force, Space Force, Coast Guard, Commissioned Corps of the U.S. Public Health Service and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Commissioned Officer Corps) and the merchant marine, their family members, and other U.S. citizens living abroad. Depending on the jurisdiction, these voters may return their ballots via fax, email, secure web portal, or physical (“snail”) mail. [8]

History of absentee and mail-in voting

Absentee voting in the United States dates at least to the 17th century, when “men whose homes were vulnerable to Indian attack were permitted to vote without leaving their abodes” in Massachusetts, according to historian Alex Keyssar. During the American Revolutionary War (1775–83), Continental Army soldiers requested the ability and were allowed to vote absentee in a Hollis, New Hampshire, local election “as if the men were present themselves.” Pennsylvania allowed soldiers to vote by mail in 1813 during the War of 1812 (1812–15) if they were more than two miles away from home. And Oregon passed a law in 1857 that allowed all men who were temporarily away from home to vote absentee. In some cases the men would vote via proxy (sending another man to the polls in his stead). [9] [10]

A few other localized examples existed, but absentee voting wasn’t adopted more widely until just before the American Civil War (1861–65). As the Southern states began to secede from the Union, each adopted a new constitution. In seven of the 11 Confederate states (all but Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi), the constitutions or other legal provisions allowed soldiers to vote from the battlefield. In fact, North Carolina and Tennessee allowed soldiers to vote from the battlefield before the two states had even seceded. [11]

Confederate states’ dates of secession and absentee voting provisions
Confederate state date of secession date of absentee voting provision
Source: [11]
Alabama January 11, 1861 October 30, 1861
Arkansas May 6, 1861 none
Florida January 10, 1861 January 25, 1861
Georgia January 19, 1861 December 14, 1861
Louisiana January 26, 1861 none
Mississippi January 9, 1861 none
North Carolina May 20, 1861 May 8, 1861
South Carolina December 20, 1860 December 21, 1861
Tennessee June 8, 1861 May 9, 1861
Texas February 1, 1861 none
Virginia April 17, 1861 July 1, 1861

Jefferson Davis and Alexander H. Stephens were first elected provisional (temporary) president and vice president, respectively, of the Confederacy in February 1861, via the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States, not by popular vote. Davis and Stephens ran unopposed for the first and only Confederate presidential election on November 6, 1861, and were elected to six-year terms. In that general election Confederate states also voted for senators and representatives to the Confederate Congress. [12] [13] [14]

The Union followed suit with absentee voting for soldiers during the 1864 presidential election between incumbent Abraham Lincoln and George B. McClellan, when 18 of the 25 Union states allowed soldiers to vote while deployed: Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Vermont, West Virginia, Wisconsin. Just after the election, in 1865, Illinois would allow absentee voting. Some of these states—including Connecticut, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia—implemented mail-in voting and sent soldiers pre-printed ballots and return envelopes. In other cases, soldiers voted in person from military camps and hospitals. [11] [15] [16]

After the end of the Civil War several states allowed some non-military citizens to vote by mail, including Kansas (1901, for railroad employees) and Virginia (1916, for absences due to business obligations). Other states enacted absentee voting measures that did not include voting by mail. [17]

Mail-in voting once again expanded to accommodate soldiers deployed during World War I (1914–18), during which mailboxes on bases were turned into ballot boxes. One surviving 1918 election return envelope is stamped with the text “Soldiers’ Ballot Voted By Mail – Official Return Envelope for Absent Voter” and cost three cents to mail. [18]

Notably, in 1924, Pres. Calvin Coolidge and first lady Grace Coolidge prepared mail-in ballots on the White House lawn, a process that required the pair to take an oath and state that they met absentee voter requirements per the law in their home state of Massachusetts. The 1924 election was only the second time Grace and other women could legally vote in a presidential election (the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified on August 18, 1920, just ahead of that year’s presidential election). Coolidge—the incumbent—defeated opponent John W. Davis. [17]

World War II (1939–45) saw the federal government experimenting with federal (instead of state) ballots and states strengthening their military voting laws. Furthermore, in the 1942 and 1944 presidential elections, some Japanese Americans incarcerated in government camps were allowed to vote by mail depending on the laws of their home states. However, due to the conditions of their imprisonment, many Japanese Americans had limited knowledge of the issues and candidates. Plus, xenophobic groups interfered in the election by challenging ballots sent in with names that seemed Japanese. [17] [19] [20]

Between World War II and the Korean War (1950–53), many state absentee voting laws expired. This led states to pass new, more permanent laws so that by the late 1960s, all states had some form of absentee voting. The federal government passed the Federal Voting Assistance Act (1955), which allowed spouses and other family members of military personnel overseas to vote absentee, and the Overseas Citizens Voting Rights Act (1975), which allowed all Americans overseas to vote absentee. [19]

In the 1960s and ’70s states began reducing length-of-residency requirements for voting in a new home state, an idea that was bolstered by the Voting Rights Act of 1970. Furthermore, with the ratification of the Twenty-sixth Amendment in 1971, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18, provisions were made for college students to vote absentee, as some state laws disallowed them from voting from college addresses. [19]

Until 1978 all absentee voting, including via mail, required an excuse, but that year California passed the first no-excuse absentee voting law, which allowed all California residents to vote absentee without providing a reason. In the following two decades, many states implemented no-excuse absentee ballots and eliminated rules requiring witnesses or notarization. [19]

In the 1980s and ’90s, Oregon pioneered the universal mail-in ballot system, in which all residents are automatically mailed an absentee voter ballot to return by mail, to a ballot box, or in person at a polling place. In 1998 Oregon’s citizens voted to have all future elections use this system, which was then officially implemented in 2000. [1] [19]

Many states expanded mail-in voting eligibility during the COVID-19 pandemic, and about 43 percent of voters cast their 2020 election ballots via mail. [10]

As of June 2026 eight states and D.C. have implemented universal mail-in ballots. All other states and territories allow voting by mail if a ballot is requested (29 states and one territory without an excuse and 13 states and four territories with an excuse). [3]

The myth of rampant voter fraud

The idea that voter fraud is widespread and will only increase with any form of absentee voting has existed since at least the 19th century. American Battlefield Trust noted that “conspiracy theories ran wild that voting fraud would be rampant through the methods of allowing soldiers to vote” absentee during the 1864 election. And yet, during that election, just one voter-fraud plot was uncovered, and the trickery was easily thwarted. Furthermore, the conspiracy would have only impacted soldiers’ votes in one district in New York, which wasn’t election-changing. [21] [22] [23]

Researchers at the Brookings Institution, a nonpartisan think tank, summarize the research on voter fraud:

Several prior analyses have found that mail voting fraud is extremely rare, though exact percentages differ slightly based on the years or cases reviewed. A piece in The Hill in 2020 drawing from the Heritage Foundation’s database found that only about 0.00006% of total votes cast were fraudulent mail votes over the preceding 20 years. Other analyses have looked at a subset of states that have transitioned to universal vote-by-mail. The New York Times reported that states that have universal vote-by-mail voting systems see “essentially zero fraud.” Specifically, they found that Oregon has seen only about a dozen documented cases of fraud since switching to a universal vote-by-mail voting system in 2000. A study conducted by the American Statistical Association found “no evidence that voting by mail increases the risk of voter fraud overall,” and estimated that Washington state would have likely seen around 80 more cases of fraud between 2011 and 2019 had it not transitioned to a universal vote-by-mail voting system. [24]

Research also indicates that mail-in voting does not offer an advantage to one party over another. [25] [26] [27] [28]

Furthermore, Americans broadly approve of mail-in voting, with 59 percent saying mail-in voting should be an option. An overwhelming 67 percent of voters living in universal mail-in states believe no-excuse absentee voting should be available, and 59 percent of those who live in no-excuse states say the same, as do 53 percent of those who vote in excuse-required states. [29]

International mail-in voting

Globally, International IDEA, an intergovernmental organization (IGO) that supports democracy, counted 31 countries that allow mail-in voting for some or all voters in addition to the United States: Australia, Austria, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Canada, Fiji, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, India, Ireland, Japan, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Poland, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and Zimbabwe. [30]

Pros and Cons at a Glance

PROSCONS
Pro 1: Mail-in voting is secure. Read More.Con 1: Mail-in voting increases the likelihood of voting errors and coercion. Read More.
Pro 2: Mail-in voting is convenient and can increase voter participation overall and among people with disabilities. Read More.Con 2: Mail service is not equitably available across the country. Read More.
Pro 3: Mail-in voting can help reduce election costs. Read More.Con 3: Mail-in voting delays vote counts, sowing restlessness and confusion. Read More.

Pro Arguments

 (Go to Con Arguments)

Pro 1: Mail-in voting is secure.

Paper ballots, including mail-in ballots, are considered the most secure type of ballot because voters can easily verify their selections, and post-election audits are easier. Mail-in ballots are additionally secured by sealed envelopes, some of which have additional secrecy envelopes. [31]

The United States Postal Service (USPS) implements “extraordinary measures” to reliably deliver ballots to voters’ homes and then safely carry the completed ballots to be counted. [32]

Many jurisdictions allow voters to track their mail-in ballot and offer secure ballot boxes that ballots may be dropped in. Furthermore, mail-in ballots are verified before counting, kept in a secure location, and subject to chain-of-custody regulations and post-election audits. Each of these safety measures have layers of security built in to the processes carried out by election workers. [31] [33] [34]

The Center for Election Innovation and Research explains that voting by mail is “an integral component of keeping our elections secure and accessible. And it already has a long history of success.” [33]

The nonprofit states that the adoption of mail-in voting is:

good news for the democratic process. Expanded voting options enhance election integrity by spreading voting out over several days rather than concentrating it on a single day. Put simply, a longer voting period bolsters efforts to quickly detect and mitigate technical glitches, fraud, cyberattacks, and other potential threats. [33]

Pro 2: Mail-in voting is convenient and can increase voter participation overall and among people with disabilities.

What could be more convenient than voting at home with a ballot delivered to your mailbox and easily returnable via USPS? Mail-in voting allows voters to complete their ballots when they have the time and capacity to carefully consider the candidates and issues. [35]

Put simply, convenience can increase voter participation. A March 2026 paper examining the 2020 presidential primary election in Los Angeles county found that the state’s universal mail-in ballot initiative increased voter participation by 3 to 4 percent. For comparison, the deluge of political television advertising has almost no impact on voter turnout. [25] [26]

However, what some consider convenience is a necessity for others. Voters with physical, mental, and learning disabilities, as well as others who have difficulty voting in person, consider mail-in voting a “lifeline” that allows safe and accessible participation in our democracy. [36] [37]

The American Association of People with Disabilities explains that “these remote voting systems [mail-in and otherwise] provide the only way to receive, mark, and verify their ballot privately and independently.” Mail-in ballots have been correlated with higher turnout among voters with disabilities. [38]

Pro 3: Mail-in voting can help reduce election costs.

Voting machines being used across the United States need costly replacement or updates to comply with the newest standards—implementing the 2021 Voluntary Voting System Guidelines 2.0 (VVSG 2.0) would cost the country about $2.71 billion, according to William T. Adler and Theo Menon of the Bipartisan Policy Center, a bipartisan think tank. [39]

Mail-in ballots can shift at least some of the burden off those machines while maintaining the security of paper ballots and lowering the cost of elections overall.

Oregon decreased the cost of elections by at least 30 percent and Colorado decreased costs by 40 percent after implementing all mail-in voting. A Montana estimate concluded $2 million could be saved per election cycle. [40] [41] [42]

In addition to cost savings from not maintaining costly voting machines, mail-in voting eliminates the need for polling locations and workers. The National Vote at Home Institute explains:

No pollworkers includes: no recruitment; no notices to be sent; no classes to conduct; no distribution and retrieval of election day supplies; no last-minute cancellations from workers who had agreed to serve; no paychecks to cut and mail; no W-2’s to send; no pre-dawn election-day hours to line up replacement workers. No polling places includes no polling place leases, telephones, utilities; no searching for or preparation of accessible locations; no frantic phone calls about locked doors; no preparation, set-up, tear-down, or emergency repairs of voting machines or devices; no confusion about where people must go to vote. [42]

Lawyer Annie Barouh explains that “voting by mail offers a solution that allows states to streamline their budget while still protecting the fundamental rights of their citizens.” [40]

Con Arguments

 (Go to Pro Arguments)

Con 1: Mail-in voting increases the likelihood of voting errors and coercion.

The National Conference of State Legislatures notes that mail-in voting can cause an increase in voter errors. Voters may mark too many (an overvote) or too few (an undervote) selections on a mail-in ballot. Voting machines alert a voter to these mistakes as mandated by federal law, but there is no such alarm for mail-in ballots. [43] [44]

Voters may also return their ballots too late, missing the postmark or mail deadline for counting, or simply forget to mail the ballot at all. Thus, with mail-in ballots, a voter may mistakenly lessen or completely invalidate their voting power. [44]

An October 2020 study found that 4 percent (about 1.4 million votes) of mail-in ballots were not counted because of such errors. [44]

And, while voter fraud is incredibly rare, mail-in voting is not without the potential for manipulation because at-home voting is not automatically private. Boston University professors Ran Canetti and Gabe Kaptchuk note that “voters have less autonomy at home than they do at the voting booth. This can result in intimidated voters, either by peers or family members.” [45]

The National Network to End Domestic Violence adds that “some abusers choose to use the voting process as yet another way to threaten or control a partner.” Voters in coercive or abusive relationships may not be able to safely express their own private opinions on mail-in ballots. [45] [46]

Con 2: Mail service is not equitably available across the country.

Researchers from MIT’s Election Lab explain that mail-in voting can be especially difficult to access for Indigenous peoples because of

the absence of residential mail delivery on reservations, extreme shortage of post offices on reservations, slow delivery times and high failure to deliver rates for letters posted on reservations, and high mail in ballot rejection rates. Also, there is no way for voters in these systems to get assistance if they have limited English proficiency or if they are speakers of traditional languages. [47]

Furthermore, many homes on tribal lands do not have traditional street addresses, making just registering to vote almost impossible. The Native American Rights Fund also notes that some jurisdictions prohibit ballots from being mailed to nontraditional addresses or P.O. (post office) boxes (much less shared boxes). Plus, P.O. boxes can be far from home—up to a 140-mile round trip for some Navajo Nation members—which, combined with limited post office hours, makes retrieving ballots incredibly difficult. [48]

Patty Ferguson-Bohnee, director of the Indian Legal Clinic at Arizona State University, explains:

Similar concerns exist for Alaska Native voters in rural villages who rely on shared P.O. boxes, and at times, mail delivery may take up to three weeks due to weather. In addition, many Native American languages are oral; therefore, language assistance to Native American voters requires in-person translations, which cannot be done through mail. [49]

All of these factors are compounded by the fact that Indigenous peoples experience poverty and homelessness at much higher rates than others in the United States. When you have to make sure you have a place to sleep that night and a meal, finding a ride to pick up a ballot a few hours away is a low priority by necessity. [48] [49]

Con 3: Mail-in voting delays vote counts, sowing restlessness and confusion.

Mail-in ballots in 14 states, D.C., and three territories are allowed to arrive after election day if they are postmarked before or on election day. State laws vary on deadlines, from 5 pm on the day after the election in Texas to a 14-day buffer in Illinois. [50]

Overseas and military votes are allowed to arrive after the election in 30 states and D.C., ranging from three days after the election in Georgia to 21 days after general elections in Washington state. [50]

Furthermore, six states disallow poll workers from beginning to process mail-in ballots (opening envelopes, unfolding the ballots, etc.) before election day. 17 states and the U.S. Virgin Islands do not permit mail-in ballots to be scanned until election day regardless of when they were received, and in seven of those states election workers have to wait until after polls close to begin scanning ballots. [51]

Lawrence Norden and Derek Tisler of the Brennan Center for Justice explain:

By building these delays into the system, lawmakers give oxygen to false claims of “ballot dumps” and other nonsense that has been used to sow distrust and has led to threats and violence against election workers. [52]

Discussion questions

  1. Should mail-in voting be widely available to all voters? Why or why not?
  2. Should mail-in voting be restricted to a group of “eligible” voters? Who should be included in “eligible voters”? Explain your reasoning.
  3. Consider the various methods of voting and rank them from best to worst. Explain your rankings.
  4. What questions do you have after reading the debate above? Where might you find answers?
  5. What was the most interesting thing you learned from this debate?
  6. Consider how you felt about the issue before reading this article. After reading the pros and cons on this topic, has your thinking changed? If so, how? List two to three ways. If your thoughts have not changed, list two to three ways in which your better understanding of the other side of the issue now helps you better argue your position.
  7. Push for the position and policies you support by writing U.S. senators and representatives.

Sources

  1. Rock the Vote, “Voting by Mail: An Explainer” (November 14, 2025), rockthevote.org
  2. U.S. Vote Foundation, “Northern Mariana Islands Voting Methods and Options,” usvotefoundation.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  3. Ballotpedia, “Absentee/Mail-In Voting,” ballotpedia.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  4. U.S. Vote Foundation, “Guam Voting Methods and Options,” usvotefoundation.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  5. American Samoa Election Office, “Absentee Voting,” aselectionoffice.gov (accessed July 6, 2026)
  6. U.S. Vote Foundation, “Puerto Rico Voting Requirements & Information,” usvotefoundation.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  7. U.S. Vote Foundation, “Virgin Islands Voting Methods and Options,” usvotefoundation.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  8. National Conference of State Legislatures, “Electronic Ballot Return” (June 30, 2026), ncsl.org
  9. Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2000), archive.org
  10. The Postal Record, “‘As if Present’: A History of Absentee Voting” (September/October 2024), nalc.org
  11. Josiah Henry Benton, Voting in the Field: A Forgotten Chapter of the Civil War (1915), archive.org
  12. Britannica Editors, “Confederate States of America,” britannica.com (accessed July 6, 2026)
  13. Confederate States of America, Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (1904), archive.org
  14. United States House of Representatives History, Art, & Archives, “Davis, Jefferson,” history.house.gov (accessed July 6, 2026)
  15. Smithsonian Institution, “A History of Voting by Mail” (September 19, 2024), si.edu
  16. Smithsonian National Postal Museum, “Absentee Voting in the Civil War: Ohio Cover” (November 2012), postalmuseum.si.edu
  17. Smithsonian National Postal Museum, “Voting by Mail: Civil War to COVID-19,” postalmuseum.si.edu (accessed July 6, 2026)
  18. The National WWI Museum and Memorial, “Soldiers’ Mail,” theworldwar.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  19. John C. Fortier, Absentee and Early Voting: Trends, Promises, and Perils (2006), aei.org
  20. Natasha Varner, “Japanese Americans Incarcerated During WWII Could Still Vote, Kind Of” (October 13, 2016), densho.org
  21. American Battlefield Trust, “The Election of 1864 and the Soldiers’ Vote” (October 21, 2024), battlefields.org
  22. Dustin Waters, “Mail-In Ballots Were Part of a Plot to Deny Lincoln Reelection in 1864” (August 22, 2020), washingtonpost.com
  23. National Park Service, “Voting by Mail During a National Crisis” (September 23, 2020), nps.gov
  24. Samara Angel, Jonathan Katz, and Randi Wright, “Mail Voting in the US: Data Points to Very Low Fraud and Significant Benefits to Voters” (November 6, 2025), brookings.edu
  25. R. Michael Alvarez and Yimeng Li, “Universal Mail Ballot Delivery Boosts Turnout: The Causal Effects of Sending Mail Ballots to All Registered Voters,” The Journal of Politics (July 2026), journals.uchicago.edu
  26. Katie Neith, “Universal Voting-By-Mail Increases Voter Turnout for Both Major Parties” (May 11, 2026), caltech.edu
  27. Michael Barber and John B. Holbein, “The Participatory and Partisan Impacts of Mandatory Vote-by-Mail,” Science Advances (August 2020), science.org
  28. Eric McGhee and Mindy Romero, “Vote-by-Mail Policy and the 2020 Presidential Election” (January 7, 2022), papers.ssrn.com
  29. Andrew Daniller, “Republicans, Democrats Continue to Differ Sharply on Voting Access” (June 16, 2026), pewresearch.org
  30. International IDEA, “Global In-Country Postal Voting Data,” idea.int (accessed July 6, 2026)
  31. Lisa J. Danetz, “Mail Ballot Security Features: A Primer” (October 16, 2020), brennancenter.org
  32. Protect Democracy, “The U.S. Postal Service’s Role in Elections, Explained” (May 15, 2026), protectdemocracy.org
  33. The Center for Election Innovation and Research, “Is Voting by Mail Secure, and How Can I Know My Mail-In Vote Is Counted?” (March 2024), electioninnovation.org
  34. States United Democracy Center, “Sharing the Facts About Americans’ Trust in How They Vote” (April 22, 2026), statesunited.org
  35. Andrew Hall, “Democracy Reform Primer Series: Vote-by-Mail” (July 8, 2024), effectivegov.uchicago.edu
  36. MIT Election Data and Science Lab, “Voting Accessibility” (June 20, 2024), electionlab.mit.edu
  37. Nick Papadopoulos, “‘Voting by Mail Is My Lifeline’: Voter With Disability Shares Importance of Mail-In Voting” (June 3, 2026), aclu.org
  38. American Association of People with Disabilities and National Disability Rights Network, “Making Voting Accessible to Voters with Print Disabilities” (July 24, 2021), aapd.com
  39. William T. Adler and Theo Menon, “The Road to Widespread Deployment of Next Generation VVSG 2.0-Certified Voting Systems” (May 29, 2026), bipartisanpolicy.org
  40. Annie Barouh, “A New Old Solution: Why the United States Should Vote by Mail-in Ballot,” Seattle Journal for Social Justice (June 2020), digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu
  41. The Pew Charitable Trusts, “Colorado Voting Reforms: Early Results” (March 22, 2016), pew.org
  42. National Vote at Home Institute, “Cost Savings: Benefits of Vote at Home,” voteathome.org (accessed July 5, 2026)
  43. National Conference of State Legislatures, “Voting Outside the Polling Place: Absentee, All-Mail and Other Voting at Home Options” (August 1, 2025), ncsl.org
  44. Peter Dizikes, “What Are the Odds Your Vote Will Not Count?” (October 19, 2020), news.mit.edu
  45. Ran Canetti and Gabe Kaptchuk, “What If Mail-In Voting Is Here to Stay?” (April 21, 2021), bu.edu
  46. The National Network to End Domestic Violence (June 25, 2026), facebook.com
  47. Lisa Schur et al., “Ensuring Voting Access Across the Electorate: Best Practices and New Areas for Research” (April 2024), electionlab.mit.edu
  48. Native American Rights Fund, “Vote by Mail in Native American Communities,” narf.org (accessed July 6, 2026)
  49. Patty Ferguson-Bohnee, “How the Native American Vote Continues to Be Suppressed” (February 9, 2020), Human Rights Magazine, americanbar.org
  50. National Conference of State Legislatures, “Table 11: Receipt and Postmark Deadlines for Absentee/Mail Ballots” (June 29, 2026), ncsl.org
  51. National Conference of State Legislatures, “Table 16: When Absentee/Mail Ballot Processing and Counting Can Begin” (April 22, 2026), ncsl.org
  52. Lawrence Norden and Derek Tisler, “Why Does It Take So Long to Count Mail Ballots in Key States? Blame Legislatures” (November 7, 2022), brennancenter.org