The proportion of national income devoted to public spending rose considerably during the 19th and 20th centuries. Much of this historical rise, however, cannot be taken as a direct measure of either the relative importance of government as a whole in economic decision making or of the comparative roles of central and lower levels of government. Inflation aside, in most countries the major reasons for the persistent rise in public spending since the middle of the 19th century have been war and the preparation for war, the rise in the cost of pensions for veterans, the great increase of the administrative role of government in response to expanded and urbanized populations, and the marked rise in the demand for a varied list of public services as the vote was gradually extended to the lower income classes.

Writing in 1890, the Irish economist Charles Bastable observed that “in nearly all modern States outlay is steadily increasing,” and “the older doctrines of economy and frugality have disappeared.” He was referring to doctrines that had developed in the latter part of the 18th century, particularly in connection with the Industrial Revolution. He did not mean that there had been a “golden age” in which governments entirely refrained from interfering in the private sector. As Bastable himself pointed out, even the strictures of Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot and Adam Smith on “excessive” government intervention did not preclude the encouragement of new industries.

In western Europe there was a long tradition of government influence on private economic decisions. The interventionist policies in the England of Henry VIII, Elizabeth I, and Oliver Cromwell, the France of Louis XIV and Colbert, and the Russia of Peter the Great are examples of such influence. But the sense of confidence conferred on the industrial class through the industrial and transportation revolutions of the 19th century, especially in Britain and the United States, produced an atmosphere that was unfavourable to government intervention. This did not, however, prevent rising pressure for government spending on economic resources, together with a secular rise in the magnitude and variety of the output of public goods that is still in evidence.

In the post-World War II period, government expenditures rose sharply. In the United States, overall public expenditure rose from 20 percent of gross domestic product to around 30 percent by the mid-1980s. Over this period, transfer payments as a proportion of national income nearly doubled. Other countries have seen an even steeper rise, both in expenditure on goods and services and in transfer payments. In Denmark public expenditure rose from about 18 percent of national income in 1950 to nearly 60 percent in the 1980s. The Netherlands experienced similar growth.

The problems of controlling public expenditure vary across programs. Some are “demand led.” Transfer payments, and particularly social security payments, are largely dependent on the number of old or unemployed people. Apart from reducing benefits (which may in turn be prevented by past commitments), or through macroeconomic policies designed to reduce unemployment, for example, there is little that can be done to limit these payments. Most countries have seen a steady rise in transfer payments as the longevity of the population and the benefits of pension schemes increase.

Public expenditure also depends on the price of the goods and services that the public sector buys and on the efficiency with which they are used. Public sector workers are often highly organized and may be well placed to demand pay increases from an employer who is able to recoup the costs from taxation. Public sector purchasing may be inefficient—civil servants may find it easier to enjoy a comfortable relationship with their suppliers, and, in fields such as health and military expenditures, administrators may demand the latest technologies with little regard for their cost-effectiveness.

At the same time, much of the public sector lacks the incentives to increase efficiency that apply to private firms in competitive markets. It is easier to resist innovation, and bureaucracies often have a conservative culture in which it is more important to avoid mistakes than to experiment with new techniques and procedures. With few external indicators of performance, managers in the public sector may feel inclined simply to promote the growth of their organization and the staff numbers and budgets that they control.

As the level and complexity of governmental involvement in the economy has risen, so public expenditure has become increasingly difficult to control. The only people with enough information to monitor their program needs are those actually engaged on the program. Coupled with technological change, the general tendency has been for expenditures to rise without any clear evidence of increased levels of service being provided. Indeed, in many key areas, such as health and education, expenditures have risen steadily at the same time that the public perceived a deterioration of service.

Governments in most countries have responded to this problem by occasional severe contraction of particular programs or of public expenditure in general. Numerous countries have adopted cost-cutting exercises with some limited success. But attempts at cost reduction can provoke inappropriate reactions. If politicians discover expenditure can be reduced without reducing the value of the services provided, they may insist on further cuts. If, on the other hand, popular or politically sensitive activities are restricted, there will be pressure to restore expenditures. Managers of public sector programs therefore often have incentives to respond to cuts in ways that maximize, rather than minimize, the effects on the services provided.