Low growth rates in the late 1970s and early ’80s, on top of continued shortages and corruption, alarmed the Soviet leadership. Many proposals were aired as to how the system might be changed. A series of reforms were in fact promulgated (notably in 1965 and 1974), but these were soon criticized as having been inconsistent and halfhearted.
Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev, 1991.
Boris Yurchenko/AP Images
The program of reform proposed and undertaken in the period 1987–90 under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev represented a truly radical change in the nature of the Soviet system, the first since the early 1930s. In this program it was intended that the bulk of the product mix would be decided not by the planners but by management, in negotiation with their customers or with the wholesale-trade organs. The need for competition was explicitly recognized, both between state enterprises seeking customers and between them and newly legalized cooperatives (more or less free enterprises). Enterprises were to be protected by law against arbitrary exactions by their superiors. An end was decreed to “soft” credits and subsidies, leaving open the real possibility of bankruptcy. Large enterprises were to be allowed direct access to foreign markets.
Reforms along these lines were gradually introduced, but some formidable obstacles proved impossible to surmount. One was chronic shortage, which continued to stimulate hoarding and compelled the continuation of material allocation. Prices were only slowly and with difficulty reformed. The declared aim of speeding up growth led to the survival of growth targets, in the familiar units of rubles, tons, and square metres, although the reformers aimed to abolish such targets. The priority of centrally determined objectives was assured by the system of so-called gos-zakazy (state orders), and these could cover the major part of the output of many enterprises. There were, moreover, serious problems of ideology (the enhanced role of the market came into conflict with traditional Marxist views) and bureaucratic resistance. Deeper reforms that were proposed threatened the fundamental powers of the Communist Party and its officials. In the meantime, the central government watched its authority over economic decision making steadily erode at the republic and regional levels, largely owing to Gorbachev’s more liberal policies. Central economic planning ceased to have any meaning as many enterprises, effectively freed from government oversight, tried to cope in an economy that as yet lacked the free play of market mechanisms. With the collapse of the Soviet central government in late 1991, economic policy-making devolved upon Russia and the other newly independent republics of the former union, most of whom appeared committed to a diversified economic structure in which central planning would play a much-reduced role.
Soviet agricultural planning
Agricultural planning in the Soviet Union had a peculiarly difficult history. With priority given to industrialization, agriculture during the regime of Stalin was essentially treated as a source of cheap food and materials for the cities. The peasants were, in fact, expropriated by force in the period 1930–35, and the bulk of them were compelled to join collective farms (kolkhozy). While in Soviet ideology state farms, operated like factories with wage labour, were preferred to collective farms, they remained of relatively minor importance until after 1954. Mechanization was for many years confined to a very few crops and especially to grain growing. The entire system was primarily designed to ensure deliveries of produce at low prices, and the planners and administrators concentrated on procurements, while production plans were seldom, if ever, fulfilled. Under Nikita Khrushchev in the late 1950s and early 1960s there was a substantial change of policy, with greatly improved prices and a major investment program designed to restore agriculture to health.
This policy was continued under Leonid Brezhnev in the 1960s and ’70s. Despite very large investments and higher farm prices, however, output rose slowly and costs rose quickly, necessitating very large subsidies. Peasant incomes rose, but incentives to work on the large state and collective farms were ineffective, and millions of townspeople had to be mobilized annually to help with the harvest. An important reform was the spread within state and collective farms of the use of autonomous work groups that were paid according to results. In 1987, proposals were adopted that would allow the leasing of land to families over and above the small plots and privately owned livestock that most rural residents had and that even as late as 1986 were producing 25 percent of the Soviet Union’s entire agricultural output.
As the authority of the central government crumbled in 1990–91, many state and collective farms gained de facto control over their own affairs, though few used this to any distinct advantage. More profound changes seemed likely as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 and would probably involve the reversion of farmlands to private ownership in some republics.
Planning in other communist countries
In other communist-ruled countries the Soviet system was extensively copied, even in minor details, until 1956. After that date much depended on choices made by the party leadership of each country. Both Yugoslavia (in the 1960s) and China (in the 1980s) decentralized control over major sectors of their economies and introduced individual incentives on a significant scale. The Soviet Union’s satellites in eastern Europe, by contrast, maintained fairly rigid centralized controls until 1989–90. At that time, the Soviets abandoned their political-military control over the region, and most eastern European countries used the opportunity to begin moving toward a free-market economic system, however haltingly and even painfully.
Poland’s unsound economic policies in the 1970s led to serious domestic imbalances and a growing foreign debt and contributed to the political-economic crisis of 1980–81. Martial law, imposed in 1981, made possible the imposition of a very sharp rise in consumer prices, and the regime then adopted a radical reform designed to greatly strengthen the market mechanism. Its implementation, however, was delayed by the chronic shortages and imbalances inherited from the previous period. It is noteworthy that the bulk of agriculture in Poland remained dominated by private peasant smallholders, who were free to sell what and when they wished. Beginning in 1990, the new postcommunist government of Poland abandoned price controls and subsidies and undertook a major currency reform in a drastic program to convert the Polish economy to a free-market basis. The privatization of the larger state-owned enterprises proceeded relatively slowly, however, as in other eastern European countries.
Czechoslovakia’s centralized economic system was in the process of being reformed in 1968, when fears of more fundamental political change brought about Soviet military intervention, which had the side effect of halting the economic reform process. Following the events of 1989–90, Czechoslovakia moved in the same general direction as Poland. State subsidies on many items were reduced, prices were decontrolled, and the private ownership of industrial and commercial enterprises and of farmland was legalized and even encouraged. Larger industrial enterprises were converted to joint-stock companies, and their shares were sold to the public.
