Prague Spring

Prague Spring, brief period of economic and political liberalization in Czechoslovakia under Alexander Dubček that began in January 1968 and effectively ended on August 20, 1968, when Soviet forces invaded the country.

Background and causes

By the early 1960s, Antonín Novotný, Czechoslovakia’s communist leader, was facing acute economic problems after his government’s failure to improve the country’s economy. Industrial production began to fall as a result of a host of problems, among them high costs and widespread worker absenteeism. Collectivized agriculture generated less output in 1960 than in the years before World War II. In September 1964 a group of reformers within the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia forced Novotný to accept a new set of economic principles. Prominent among the reformists was economics professor Ota Šik, who argued for replacing the country’s rigid command economy with a mixed economy. Numerous changes aimed at liberalizing the economy were outlined by the “economists,” as Šik and other reformers were known, but Novotný ultimately implemented few of them, which meant that Czechoslovakia’s broader economic problems persisted.

In addition to the pressure put on him by the economists, Novotný faced new leadership in Slovakia and calls for greater Slovak autonomy. When he could not satisfy those demands, Slovak leaders turned against him, further eroding any support he still had.

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Czechoslovak history: The Prague Spring of 1968

However, the immediate cause of Novotný’s downfall—and, therefore, the start of the Prague Spring—was unrest in Czechoslovakia’s public and cultural spheres, particularly among students and writers. The young generation, raised under the communist regime and educated according to the Soviet model, had tired of restrictions on personal freedom and was frustrated by their country’s low standard of living. Students were restless throughout the 1960s, and the traditional student festival, the Majáles, in 1966 became a riot against Novotný’s regime. Then in 1967, dissatisfied with the conditions in their dormitories, students gathered in the streets demanding “more light.” The Communist Party felt challenged and sent in the police, who brutalized the students.

Meanwhile, since 1962 the country’s writers, despite the imposition of Socialist Realism as the official literary style, had produced some remarkable works that had escaped censorship. In 1967, at a congress of Czechoslovak writers, many rejected the standards demanded by the Communist Party. Novotný answered this rebellion with sanctions against numerous notable writers, including Jan Beneš, Ludvík Vaculík, Antonín J. Liehm, Ivan Klíma, and Jan Procházka. As a result of his repression, Novotný faced even more opposition.

Outbreak of the Prague Spring

During the session of the Central Committee in October 1967, Novotný clashed openly with the Slovaks. He invited the Soviets to help him regain control and eliminate his opposition, but they declined. Isolated and increasingly powerless, Novotný eventually resigned as first secretary, and in January 1968 he recommended as his successor his Slovak opponent Alexander Dubček, who was elected unanimously, albeit after the Central Committee failed to agree on the other candidates.

Dubček became the first secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on January 5, 1968. Because he was a compromise candidate, little was expected of him, but public opinion soon gave him the opportunity to seize the role of chief reformer: the people of Czechoslovakia were turning more and more against the status quo, especially after members of the press resolved to express themselves more freely in March.

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By April 1968 the reformers had gained the upper hand. On the whole the transfer of power was peaceful. Oldřich Černík became prime minister, and Šik and one of Novotný’s Slovak opponents, Gustav Husák, became vice premiers in charge of reforms in the economy and Slovakia, respectively. From March 30, Czechoslovakia also had a new president, Ludvík Svoboda, who had been minister of defense in Czechoslovakia’s first government after World War II. He had aided the communists during the 1948 coup but was himself purged in the 1950s and had lived in retirement since then. The interior ministry came under the control of another purge victim, Josef Pavel. The newly elected Presidium, the policy-making body of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, consisted largely of newcomers.

The crowning achievement of the new reformist government under Dubček was the Action Program, which was adopted by the party’s Central Committee in April 1968. The program embodied ideas developed over the preceding years; it encompassed not only economic reforms but also the democratization of Czechoslovak political life. Among its most important points were the promotion of Slovakia to full parity within a new Czechoslovak federation, long overdue industrial and agricultural reforms, a revised constitution that would guarantee civil rights and liberties, and the complete rehabilitation of all citizens whose rights had been infringed in the past.

The Action Program also envisaged a strict division of powers: the National Assembly, not the Communist Party, would be in control of the government, which in turn would become a real executive body and not a party branch; courts were to become independent and act as arbiters between the legislative and executive branches. Political pluralism was not recommended, but the Communist Party would have to justify its leading role by competing freely for supremacy with other organizations in the process of formation. What Dubček was offering, according to international opinion, was “socialism with a human face.”

The effect of this liberalization movement on the Czechoslovak public was unprecedented and unexpected. Alternative forms of political organization quickly emerged. Former political prisoners founded K 231, a group named for the article of the criminal code under which they had been sentenced; a number of prominent intellectuals formed KAN, a club for committed non-Communist Party members; and there even were efforts to reestablish the Social Democratic Party, which had been forcibly fused with the Communist Party in 1948. The official communist youth movement collapsed, replaced by youth clubs and the Boy Scouts. Christian churches, national minority associations, human rights groups, and other long-forgotten societies became active.

On June 27, 1968, the dissident writer Ludvík Vaculík published a document signed by many people across all walks of Czechoslovak life. This document, the “Two Thousand Words” manifesto, constituted a watershed in the evolution of the Prague Spring: it urged mass action to demand real democracy.

Though shocked by the proclamation, Dubček was convinced that he could control the transformation of Czechoslovakia. The Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies were far more alarmed. After Dubček declined to participate in a special meeting of the Warsaw Pact powers, they sent him a letter on July 15, 1968, saying that his country was on the verge of counterrevolution and that they considered it their duty to protect it. Nevertheless, Dubček remained confident that he could avoid difficulties with his fellow communist leaders.

Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev invited Dubček to a conference where the Soviet Politburo and the Czechoslovak leaders tried to resolve their problems. On August 3 representatives of the Soviet, East German, Polish, Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Czechoslovak Communist parties met again at Bratislava. The communiqué issued after that meeting gave the impression that pressure would be eased on Czechoslovakia in return for somewhat tighter control over its press.

Soviet invasion and the end of reform

On the evening of August 20, 1968, Soviet-led armed forces invaded Czechoslovakia. The Soviets seized Dubček, Černík, and several other leaders and secretly took them to Moscow. Meanwhile, the Czechoslovak population responded to the invasion through acts of passive resistance and improvisation (e.g., road signs were removed so that the invading troops would lose their way). Although communications and supplies were disrupted, the people of Czechoslovakia went on with their lives at the local level. Even the scheduled 14th Communist Party Congress took place on August 22; it elected a pro-Dubček Central Committee and Presidium—the very things the invasion had been timed to prevent. The National Assembly, declaring its loyalty to Dubček, continued its plenary sessions.

On August 23 Svoboda, accompanied by Husák, left for Moscow to negotiate an end to the occupation. But by August 27 the Czechoslovaks had been compelled to yield to the Soviets’ demands in an agreement known as the Moscow Protocol. Svoboda, bringing with him Dubček and the other leaders, returned to Prague to tell the population the consequences of their “socialism with a human face”: Soviet troops were going to remain in Czechoslovakia, and the country’s leaders had agreed to tighter controls over political and cultural activities.

The Soviet occupation helped the communist hard-liners, who were joined by Husák, to defeat Dubček and the reformers. The 14th Party Congress was declared invalid, as required by the Moscow Protocol; hard-liners were thus able to occupy positions of power. Czechoslovakia was proclaimed a federal republic, with two autonomous units—the Czech Lands (Bohemia and Moravia) forming the Czech Socialist Republic and Slovakia the Slovak Socialist Republic, respectively—each with national parliaments and governments. A federal arrangement was the one concession the hard-liners were ready to make, and many citizens (particularly the Slovaks) had wanted it. Nonetheless, protests against the end of the liberalization movement—such as the suicide of Jan Palach, a student who on January 16, 1969, set himself on fire—held the country’s attention.

Gradually, Dubček either dismissed his friends and allies or forced them to resign. On April 17, 1969, Husák replaced Dubček as first secretary. Dubček continued for a time as chairman (speaker) of the parliament. He then became ambassador to Turkey, but he was recalled in 1970 and stripped of his party membership. Husák and his fellow hard-liners had defeated the reformers.

Aftermath

Husák embarked on a process of “normalization” intended to purge Czechoslovakia of any lingering effects of the Prague Spring and to ingratiate the country with its fellow members of the Warsaw Pact, particularly the Soviet Union. He succeeded, and the Soviet Union tallied its preservation of communist rule in Czechoslovakia as a victory in the Cold War.

Under Husák, Czechoslovakia continued to experience economic problems as well as social unrest. He remained Czechoslovakia’s leader until 1989, when the Velvet Revolution swept him from power as protests against communist rule spread across eastern Europe.