Tabaré Vázquez

Tabaré Vázquez (born January 17, 1940, Montevideo, Uruguay—died December 6, 2020, Montevideo) was an Uruguayan doctor and politician who served as president of Uruguay from 2005 to 2010 and from 2015 to 2020.

Vázquez graduated from the medical school of the University of the Republic, Montevideo, in 1972 with a specialty in oncology and radiology. He entered private practice as an oncologist and built a reputation as one of the premier physicians in the country. Vázquez served as director of the University of the Republic medical school’s department of radiology. He also founded the first medical clinic in his childhood neighbourhood of Las Teja. Vázquez further raised his public profile as president (1978–89) of the Club Progreso, an association football (soccer) team.

A lifelong militant in the Uruguayan Socialist Party (Partido Socialista del Uruguay; PSU), Vázquez became a member of the party’s Central Committee in 1987. In 1989, as the candidate representing the Broad Front (Frente Amplio; FA), an alliance of leftist parties, he ran successfully for mayor of Montevideo, generally considered the second most important political post in the country. Because more than 40 percent of Uruguay’s population lived in the capital, Vázquez’s victory in the mayoral race represented the left’s first triumph in a national election. The win also firmly established the charismatic and photogenic Tabaré, as many Uruguayans simply called him, as a political force.

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Vázquez was the FA’s presidential candidate in 1994 and again in 1999, but he lost both of those elections. In 1999 he topped the first round of the presidential election, but he failed to achieve the majority required by new electoral laws for avoiding a runoff. He went on to lose the runoff to Jorge Batlle (52 percent to 44 percent). In 2004 Vázquez was perfectly positioned for a third try for the presidency, as polls were showing that the Progressive Encounter–Broad Front (Encuentro Progresista–Frente Amplio; EP–FA), a new incarnation of the country’s left-wing coalition, had become the largest party in the country. Vázquez claimed 50.45 percent of the vote, enough to avoid a second round.

Vázquez was sworn in as president of Uruguay on March 1, 2005. The historic significance of this event could not be overestimated. Vázquez was the first leftist president in Uruguay’s history, and the coalition he led—the EP–FA, which was composed of former guerrillas, socialists, communists, and independent leftists—had won a majority in both houses of the parliament. At the time, Vázquez’s rise was also emblematic of an electoral trend to the left throughout Latin America.

One of Vázquez’s first acts as president was to announce a $200 million national emergency plan to assist the estimated 20 percent of Uruguayans in abject poverty. Among his accomplishments were improving an economy that had been beset by years of negative growth and dealing with the legacy of human rights violations that had taken place during Uruguay’s 1973–85 military dictatorship.

In 2008 Vázquez resigned from his party, the PSU, after its members voted to legalize abortion in Uruguay. He vetoed an abortion bill that had been approved by the parliament. His five-year term as president culminated with the successful implementation of a program to provide laptop computers to all primary-school children in Uruguay. During Vázquez’s presidency the right of same-sex couples to adopt children was legalized, and health care was made more fully accessible to the poor through a somewhat controversial increase in the personal income tax. Vázquez, who was constitutionally prohibited from seeking election to a second, consecutive term, was succeeded in March 2010 by the EP-FA’s José Mujica, a former Tupamaro guerrilla leader.

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In 2014 Vázquez was once again the Broad Front coalition’s candidate for the presidency, this time not as an agent of change but instead as a continuity candidate positioned to benefit from the popularity of Mujica, who had overseen a continuation of the long period of economic prosperity that had begun under Vázquez. Mujica had also engineered legislation that legalized possession of marijuana as well as control of its production, distribution, and sale by the state. Many (according to some polls, most) Uruguayans disapproved of the new marijuana laws, which Vázquez vowed to enforce. Economic prosperity appeared to trump those concerns, however, as Vázquez handily won the November presidential runoff election, defeating the National Party’s Luis Lacalle Pou (son of former president Luis Lacalle Herrera), who had made the promise to alter those laws part of his campaign plank. Vázquez took office in March 2015.

His second term as president was more troubled than his first. The economy, which had thrived under 10 years of Broad Front rule, began to sputter, and GDP growth declined to an average of 1.6 percent annually during the first four years of Vázquez’s second term while unemployment increased. The country’s economic troubles were partly the result of those being experienced by Uruguay’s larger neighbours, Brazil and Argentina. Crime and violence were also on the rise in Uruguay. As a consequence of these factors, Vázquez, who had an approval rating of 62 percent when he left office in 2010, saw the same measure fall to 28 percent at the end of his second term.