The 18th century

Jonathan Swift demonstrated no interest in the “barbarous” Irish language and, unlike Edmund Burke, no sympathy for poor Irish Roman Catholics. Swift’s views were an expression of his own bifurcated vision of Irish writing. According to such a view, 18th-century Ireland produced two distinct literatures that never touched or intersected: one in English, the language of print, and another in Irish, mainly in manuscript. Thus conceptualized, the first—what is best called Anglo-Irish literature—can scarcely be separated from the wider English tradition. If, as English critic Samuel Johnson remarked, the noblest prospect that a Scotsman ever sees is the high road to England, for many an ambitious Anglo-Irish writer—including the Shakespeare scholar and editor Edmund Malone, one of Johnson’s friends in London—that prospect was the boat to Holyhead, the Welsh port that served as the chief entry point for travelers to the British mainland from Ireland. Burke, George Farquhar, Oliver Goldsmith, Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and many others left Ireland and made their careers in England. After 1714 Swift wanted to leave Ireland but could not, given the political changes in England that had led to his Irish exile. He likened his condition in Dublin to that of a “poisoned rat in a hole.” London exerted an almost irresistible force as a literary and theatrical market. Anglo-Irish drama and novels were written mostly with an English audience in view; in terms of content, there is often nothing specifically Irish about, for example, the plays and novels of Henry Brooke or the essays and poetry of Goldsmith.

Yet Ireland was not absent from Anglo-Irish writing. Indeed, there is a good deal of Irish content in the drama and poetry. “Irish” plays were among the most popular and most often performed of the 18th century. They include Ireland Preserv’d; or, The Siege of Londonderry (1705) by John Mitchelburne (Michelborne); its companion piece, Robert Ashton’s The Battle of Aughrim (1728), of which as many as 25 editions were published between 1770 and 1840; and the better-known True-Born Irishman (1763) by Charles Macklin. The first two—vividly recorded by William Carleton as part of Ulster popular culture well into the 19th century—underlined the narrowly Protestant character of the post-Aughrim political settlement in Ireland, although The Battle of Aughrim appealed to Catholics as well for its portrayal of the Jacobite hero Patrick Sarsfield. More mundanely, the hero of Macklin’s play is a resident landlord, a personification of the sort of practical patriotism promoted by the Royal Dublin Society (founded 1731) and articulated by a substantial pamphlet literature stretching from Swift’s A Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures (1720) to Samuel Madden’s Reflections and Resolutions Proper for the Gentlemen of Ireland (1738) and including Viscount Molesworth’s Some Considerations for the Promoting of Agriculture and Employing the Poor (1723), Thomas Prior’s best-selling A List of the Absentees of Ireland (1729), Arthur Dobbs’s An Essay on the Trade and Improvement of Ireland (1729–31), and George Berkeley’s The Querist (1735–37).

A second Irish dimension in Anglo-Irish literature of the period may be detected in the cross-fertilizations of language. At their most basic level, these cross-fertilizations between Irish and English produced Hiberno-English—the “barbarous denominations” of the Irish brogue, as Swift had it, from which an Englishman expected nothing but “bulls, blunders, and follies.” Hiberno-English was usually deployed as a highly self-conscious comic device, and so-called stage Irishmen, such as Sir Callaghan O’Brallaghan in Macklin’s Love à la Mode (1759) and Sir Lucius O’Trigger in Sheridan’s The Rivals (1775), delighted 18th-century audiences, including Irish ones. Yet the Irish priest Foigard—another comic character, in Farquhar’s The Beaux’ Stratagem (1707)—represents a reminder of the darker side of linguistic politics when he is warned that “your tongue will condemn you before any bench in the kingdom.”

At a more subtle level, close scrutiny of Irish verse in English reveals that the two languages did not so much coexist across a yawning divide as cohabit in an intimate, mutually enriching relationship. The impact of linguistic proximity is discernible not only in the conscription into poetry of “nonstandard” local vocabulary but in the infiltration of traditional Irish metrics as well. A third “language” in which verse was composed further complicates the binary opposition of English and Irish: the Ulster-Scots dialect. A regional variant of the Lowlands Scottish (Lallans) used by Scottish poet Robert Burns, Ulster-Scots invigorates the vernacular verse of the “weaver poets,” such as Samuel Thomson and James Orr, who were writing in the late 18th century.

The influences of and borrowings from the Irish language and, more broadly, from Gaelic culture were largely unselfconscious. The last three decades of the 18th century, however, did witness a self-aware revival. This revival had its origins, at least in part, in Scotland and Wales. The Scottish poet James Macpherson’s “translations” from the Gaelic tradition, especially his Fingal (1762) and Temora (1763), were in large part—as Samuel Johnson and the Irish scholar, antiquarian, and activist Charles O’Conor charged—invented, but that did not hamper their popularity. These Ossianic poems (named after Oisín, the hero of the Fenian cycle in epic literature) in fact may be seen as the foundational texts for a new movement to reclaim an ancient Celtic civilization. In Ireland this movement was represented by the antiquarian researches of O’Conor (a Catholic), Charles Vallancey (an English-born Protestant), and others, by Joseph Cooper Walker’s Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards (1786), and by the influential Reliques of Irish Poetry (1789) of Charlotte Brooke, the daughter of Henry Brooke. Her collections and translations from oral tradition mark both an emerging vogue for the “primitive” and a developing Irish Protestant engagement with “native” Irish heritage, which Swift could not have imagined, let alone foreseen. The year 1789 also saw the publication of Denis Woulfe’s translation into English of Brian Merriman’s Cúirt an Mheán Oíche (The Midnight Court), the outstanding long poem of the 18th century in the Irish language that satirized sexual conventions of the time.

A third way in which the Irishness of Anglo-Irish literature registers itself is at once the most difficult to pin down and the most important: style. Swift shared a common language with his English friends Alexander Pope and Viscount Bolingbroke, but, in the words of 20th-century Irish nationalist writer Daniel Corkery, “the Ascendancy mind is not the same thing as the English mind.” Nor was the Ascendancy experience the same thing as the English experience. English writers inhabited a world that—despite the bitter partisanship of the era, the succession controversy after Queen Anne’s death in 1714, and the persistent Jacobite threat—showed a degree of political security and continuity that was largely unfamiliar to Anglo-Irish writers. The Anglo-Irish were keenly aware of the precariousness of their position as a ruling elite and the anomalies and inequities of their relationship with the “mother country.” This last circumstance in particular gave rise to a condition that can be described as cultural dislocation. Just as the split personality embodied by Robert Louis Stevenson’s Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde is sometimes read as symbolic of the Scottish predicament, it is in the predicament of the Anglo-Irish, caught uneasily between two civilizations and feeling out of place in both, that its characteristic voice—ironic, detached, nostalgic, often Gothic—is to be heard.