- Born:
- December 18, 1960, Seoul, South Korea (age 65)
- Title / Office:
- president (2022-2025), South Korea
- Political Affiliation:
- People Power Party
Yoon Suk-Yeol
Who is Yoon Suk-Yeol?
What led to Yoon Suk-Yeolâs impeachment?
What was Yoon Suk-Yeolâs stance on North Korea during his presidency?
What happened after Yoon Suk-Yeolâs arrest?
Who replaced Yoon Suk-Yeol as president of South Korea?
Yoon Suk-Yeol (born December 18, 1960, Seoul, South Korea) is a South Korean lawyer and public official who served as prosecutor general (2019â21) and president (2022â25) of South Korea. On December 3, 2024, he declared martial law, ostensibly to combat âpro-North Koreanâ elements in the government, but he reversed himself just hours later. He was impeached by South Koreaâs National Assembly on December 14 and his presidential powers were stripped. In 2026 the Seoul Central District Court found him guilty of leading an insurrection and sentenced him to life imprisonment.
Family, early life, and education
Yoon was born in the Bomun-dong neighborhood of Seoulâs Seongbuk district to a pair of professors. His father, Yoon Ki-Jung, was a prominent economist at Yonsei University who cofounded the Korean Statistical Society and became a member of the National Academy of Sciences. His mother, Choi Jeong-Ja, lectured at Ewha Womans University before leaving the position to get married. The couple raised Yoon and his younger siblings in Gangnam districtâs Yeonhui-dong, where Yoon attended Daegwang Elementary School, Jungnang Middle School, and Chungam High School.
Receiving a high-school diploma in 1979, Yoon originally wanted to study economics and become a professor, like his father, but the elder Yoon suggested that he study law instead. If Yoon still wanted to learn about economics after getting his degree, his father said, he could always get into economic law. Taking his fatherâs advice, Yoon matriculated at Seoul National University as a law major.
On May 8, 1980, Yoon took the role of judge in a mock trial of Chun Doo-Hwan, the army general who had staged a coup dâĂ©tat against South Koreaâs civilian government. He sentenced Chun to death. When the story spread throughout the school, Yoon fled to the home of a relative in Gangneung, where he remained in hiding for three months.
Yoon graduated from Seoul National University with an undergraduate degree (1983) and a masterâs degree (1988) in law. He emerged from the university system still desiring to become a professor. Believing it necessary to pass South Koreaâs bar exam in order to secure a position, he studied for the testâonly to fail the second of its two sections eight times.
Yoonâs difficulty in passing the bar has been the cause of much speculation. Supporters noted that it was once common to fail anyone with a protest record who took the exam; Yoonâs mock trial might therefore have worked against him. Other sources have reported that Yoon was simply not a serious student, preferring socializing to studying. Regardless, he finally passed the bar exam, on his ninth attempt, in 1991.
Legal career and the impeachment of Park Geun-Hye
By then, however, his ambition had changed. Yoon enrolled in the Judicial Research & Training Institute, graduating in February 1994. Afterward he began his career as a prosecutor at the Daegu District Prosecutorsâ Office. Yoon subsequently worked in Chuncheon (1996â97), Suwon (1997â99), Seoul (1999â2001), and Busan (2001â02). His most notable achievement during this period was his successful prosecution in 1999 of the National Police Agencyâs intelligence chief, Park Hee-Won, on charges of bribery. In 2002 Yoon left government service to join the law firm Bae, Kim, & Lee. His time in private practice was short. Yoon found the work an ill fit and returned to the prosecutorâs life in February 2003, joining the Gwangju District Prosecutorsâ Office. While there, in 2004, he won another high-profile case, obtaining a one-year jail sentence for political candidate Ahn Hee-Jungâs acceptance of illegal campaign donations. In 2005 he transferred to Uijeongbu.
In 2007 Yoon was promoted, becoming prosecution research officer for the Supreme Prosecutorsâ Office (SPO) in Seoul. In that role he helped incarcerate Hyundai chairman Chung Mong-Koo for bribery and breach of fiduciary duty. He was also dispatched for two months by the SPO to investigate allegations against the countryâs new president, Lee Myung-Bak. After his work on the Lee case, Yoon received another promotion in March 2008, this time becoming chief prosecutor of the Daejeon District Prosecutorsâ Officeâs Nonsan Branch. He served in that capacity until 2009, when he was moved to the special investigation department of the chief prosecutorsâ office in Daegu district. That posting was swiftly followed by a return to the SPO later that year as a criminal intelligence officer. In 2010 the SPO made him a chief prosecutor.
Yoon remained in that office into 2013, during which time he married Kim Keon-Hee and further burnished his reputation by successfully prosecuting Lee Myung-Bakâs brother Lee Sang-Deuk. Yoonâs bright future seemed to dim when he fatefully accused his superiors of trying to influence his investigation into the National Intelligence Serviceâs alleged interference in the 2012 presidential election. Yoon was consequently exiled back to the provinces, where he spent the next four years working small cases. There he might have remained but for another major scandal that called for his experience and reputation as an incorruptible prosecutor: an illegal relationship between Pres. Park Geun-Hye and her shaman, Choi Soon-Sil. Recalled to Seoul in December 2016 to work alongside Special Counsel Park Young-Soo, Yoon helped to impeach and convict the president. The case made him a national symbol of justice, leading the next president, Moon Jae-In, to appoint Yoon the chief prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutorsâ Office in 2017.
Conflicts with the Moon administration
On June 17, 2019, Yoon was nominated by Moon to be the SPOâs prosecutor general. Yoon was predictably opposed by former president Parkâs conservative party, then called the Liberty Korea Party, and supported by Moonâs Democratic Partyâan irony, considering what was to come. Not two months after Yoonâs term began, on July 25, his SPO launched an investigation into Cho Kuk, Moonâs new minister of justice. The inquiry led Cho to resign only 35 days after his term officially began, a major embarrassment for Moonâs government.
Thereafter, Moonâs administration and Yoon appeared to be in constant battle. The next minister of justice, Choo Mi-Ae, took action against high-ranking prosecutors in the SPO in January 2020. The SPO began a probe into potential election law violations by Moonâs ally, Ulsan mayor Song Cheol-Ho, the same month. Matters came to a head in late 2020, when Choo twice attempted to suspend Yoon from his position. Yoon successfully appealed both suspensions. With such animosity between the two, it might have seemed a relief to the government when Yoon offered his resignation on March 4, 2021. In fact, it was the beginning of a far greater struggle between the prosecutor and Moonâs party. On June 29 Yoon announced his intention to run for the presidency in the 2022 election, and on July 30 he joined the opposition party, rechristened the People Power Party (PPP).
Political career and road to the presidency
During the primary election season, Yoonâs lack of political experience and his outspoken nature resulted in his making a string of controversial statements. In July he criticized a Moon policy that capped the workweek at 52 hours, saying that some workers should be allowed to work 120 hours a weekâfor example, game developers in the final months before a gameâs release. That month he also said that the government should lower its food safety standards because âpoor people should be allowed to choose food below [certain quality standards] to eat at lower pricesâŠunless it makes you sick and die.â In August he blamed feminism for South Koreaâs low birth rates, and he claimed that there was âbasically no radiation leakâ during the Fukushima nuclear accident of 2011. These comments, along with allegations that he had filed criminal complaints against Democratic Party politicians for political reasons during his time as head of the SPO, reduced Yoonâs standing in the polls. Nevertheless, he won the PPPâs primary on November 5, 2021, defeating his nearest opponent by more than six points.
Although Moon remained broadly popular, he was not eligible to run for reelection, because of a single-term limit on the South Korean presidency. The general election was a bitterly contested race between Yoon and Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) candidate Lee Jae-Myung, described by some observers as âthe ugliest presidential election ever.â Both candidates attempted to link the other to a major land development scandal. They even attacked each othersâ wives, causing the two women to withdraw from the public eye. Yoon continued to make divisive declarations, such as that he would abolish the Office of Gender Equality and Family, as part of a broader attempt to court the anti-feminist vote. He also pledged to pardon both of the conservative former presidents he had helped put behind bars.
Presidency
Yoon won the presidential election by the narrowest margin in South Korean history, taking 48.56 percent of the vote to Leeâs 47.83 percent. He was sworn into office on May 10, 2022. Immediately upon taking office, Yoon moved the presidential offices from the Blue HouseâSouth Koreaâs traditional presidential residenceâto the Defense Ministry compound in Seoulâs Yongsan district, converting the Blue House into a public park. This was a controversial move, which Yoon defended as a step away from the symbolism of âimperial power.â
As president, Yoonâs foreign policy has been dominated by a hard-line stance on North Korea, punishing any threats with sanctions while strengthening relations with Japan and the United States. Domestically, Yoon has found it difficult to pass legislation, since the National Assembly emerged from the 2022 election with a DPK majority. Also, a number of his administrationâs proposals proved so unpopular that they were abandoned early, such as a school reform that would have sent children to kindergarten at the age of five instead of six and an increase in the standard workweek from 52 to 69 hours.
Throughout Yoonâs presidency, issues such as a severe cost-of-living crisis, deepening political polarization, and a widespread perception of Yoonâs disconnect from average Koreans continued to reflect badly on his leadership. Additionally, his wife, Kim Keon-Hee, was at the center of several corruption scandals. The National Assembly elections of April 2024 were largely perceived throughout South Korea as a referendum on Yoonâs presidency. South Koreaâs liberal opposition parties won a majority in a landslide victory, demonstrating Yoonâs unpopularity. Following the election results, Prime Minister Han Duk-Soo and Yoonâs top presidential aides offered to resign.
In the following months, calls for Yoonâs resignation became widespread as his approval rating continued to fall. Rallies against Yoon in Seoul drew thousands of participants, including members of the public, opposition political parties, and civic organizations. Opposition leaders also demanded corruption investigations involving Yoon and his wife. Alliances of academics, health professionals, and Roman Catholic priests issued declarations and petitions urging him to step down. In the first week of November, Yoonâs approval rating fell to a record low of 17 percent and remained between 17 and 26 percent for the remainder of the month.
Declaration of martial law
On the evening of December 3, 2024, Yoon declared martial law in South Korea in a dramatic and unexpected turn of events. He accused the opposition-led National Assembly, and particularly the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK), of being a âden of criminalsâ and a âmonster that collapses the liberal democracy system.â He further claimed that the country had become a âdrug paradiseâ and accused his opponents of aligning with North Korea. Yoon stated that his decision to impose martial law was aimed at eradicating these âshameless pro-North Korean anti-state forces.â
In the immediate aftermath of Yoonâs announcement, Army Chief of Staff Park An-Su was named martial law commander. Park declared that all political activities, including public protests and gatherings of the National Assembly, were banned. He announced that âall news media and publicationsâ would be controlled by martial law authorities and warned that anyone violating martial law could be arrested without a warrant. Nonetheless, protesters began gathering outside the National Assembly, where they clashed with police.
Yoonâs declaration was swiftly denounced by both opposition politicians and his own PPP. Opposition leader Lee Jae-Myung asserted, âThere is no reason to declare martial law. We cannot let the military rule this country.â The leader of the PPP, Han Dong-Hoon, stated that Yoonâs âmartial law declaration is wrongâ and pledged to âwork with the citizens to stop it.â The National Assembly convened with 190 out of its 300 lawmakers and passed a resolution with all present members voting to overturn the martial law declaration.
This marked the first declaration of martial law in South Korea since 1980. Following the National Assemblyâs vote, Yoon reversed his decision and announced that he would lift martial law after assembling his cabinet, just hours after his initial declaration. The following day, numerous members of Yoonâs staff resigned, and South Koreaâs liberal opposition parties submitted a motion to vote on Yoonâs impeachment on December 7.
Yoon survived the impeachment vote after his party walked out of the National Assembly, boycotting the proceedings. As a result of the boycott, only 195 members of parliament voted for impeachment, falling short of the 200 votes required. Afterward, Han stated that the PPP sought to minimize confusion and facilitate Yoonâs orderly departure from office, adding that Yoon would soon resign. Han also said that for the remainder of Yoonâs time in office, he would not handle any presidential duties; instead, Prime Minister Han Duck-Soo would assume those responsibilities with guidance from the PPP. Meanwhile, opposition lawmakers submitted a motion for another impeachment vote on December 14. Additionally, Yoon was banned from leaving the country by the justice ministry, and prosecutors opened a criminal case against him for treason.
As the second impeachment vote approached, Yoonâs approval rating dropped to a record low 11 percent. With public pressure on the PPP intensifying, the party announced that it would allow its members to vote their conscience on the second motion (an organized PPP boycott of the first vote had led to its failure). On December 14 a dozen PPP members crossed the aisle and Yoon was impeached by a vote of 204â85. His executive powers were suspended, and Han Duck-Soo became acting president of South Korea.
Less than two weeks later, Han was impeached as well. He had blocked the appointment of three DPK-nominated judges to the Constitutional Court, which was tasked with deciding whether to uphold Yoonâs impeachment. Han had also avoided addressing opposition-sponsored bills calling for special investigations of Yoon and his wife over the martial law declaration and corruption allegations. These decisions were widely seen as efforts to protect Yoon. Following Hanâs impeachment, Choi Sang-Mok, a deputy prime minister and minister of economy and finance, assumed the roles of acting president and acting prime minister.
Arrest
On December 31 a South Korean court issued an arrest warrant for Yoon, valid until January 6, marking the first time in the countryâs history that a sitting president faced potential detention. Yoon had ignored three summonses to report for questioning before the warrant was issued.
On January 3 a force of 150 police officers and officials from the Corruption Investigation Office (CIO) arrived at Yoonâs residence in Yongsan to enforce the warrant. There, they encountered resistance from pro-Yoon demonstrators, a military unit tasked with defending Seoul, and presidential security officers, who remained obligated to protect Yoon as the sitting president despite the suspension of his powers. These officers had previously blocked investigators from searching Yoonâs residence.
About half of the investigators managed to bypass the demonstrators and military unit to enter the residence. Once inside, they engaged in a tense, hours-long standoff with presidential security forces. Police and investigators eventually withdrew, citing concerns over escalating violence.
As the warrantâs expiration loomed on January 6, investigators sought an extension to continue their efforts. Meanwhile, Yoonâs legal team argued that declaring martial law was within the presidentâs constitutional authority and questioned the validity of the warrant.
A second attempt to arrest Yoon on January 15 succeeded. The CIO mobilized 3,000 police officers in a massive show of force and warned presidential security officers protecting Yoon that they could face arrest for obstructing public duties, with potential termination and loss of pensions. The arrest remained challenging as protesters and PPP members attempted to block the gate to Yoonâs residence, requiring their dispersal. Buses placed behind the gate further impeded access, forcing police and investigators to climb over them using ladders. However, no presidential security officers were observed obstructing the arrest. After investigators entered the compound, more than two hours of negotiations ensued, which culminated in Yoonâs detention. After Yoonâs arrest, a video statement was released in which he called the arrest âillegalâ but said that he had cooperated to avoid violence. On January 26 prosecutors formally indicted Yoon on charges of leading an insurrection. His lawyers pledged to fight the charges in court.
Impeachment upheld
On April 4 South Koreaâs Constitutional Court unanimously upheld the National Assemblyâs motion to impeach Yoon, officially ending his presidency. Acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-Bae stated that Yoon âhurt authorities of constitutional institutions such as the National Assembly and violated peopleâs basic human rights by mobilizing military forces and the police.â Under the constitution, the country had 60 days to hold a snap presidential election. Han Duck-Soo, whose own impeachment had been overturned on March 24, was reinstated as acting president and would continue to serve until the election. The PPP stated that it âhumbly acceptsâ the decision to impeach Yoon, and Yoon said, addressing the public, âI am regretful and sorry that I could not live up to your expectations.â The election, held on June 3, was won by opposition leader Lee Jae-Myung, who succeeded Yoon as president.
Insurrection trial
Yoonâs insurrection trial began on April 14, 2025. He denied the charges, and his legal team continued to argue that the declaration of martial law was within the presidentâs constitutional authority, that the case was politically motivated, and that his rapid reversal of the order demonstrated that he had no intent to stage a coup. Under South Korean law, conviction on insurrection charges carries either the death penalty or life imprisonment, though the country has maintained a de facto moratorium on executions since 1997.
Court proceedings continued throughout the summer. Investigators seized Yoonâs phones in May, and in July he was indicted on additional charges, including abuse of authority and obstruction of arrest warrants. His request for release was denied, and he remained in detention as the case moved forward.
On January 14, 2026, South Koreaâs special prosecutor formally sought the death penalty for Yoon. Two days later, he was convicted in a separate but related case and sentenced to five years in prison on charges of abuse of authority and obstruction of justice. On February 19 he was found guilty of leading an insurrection and sentenced to life imprisonment.